Balancing Islamabad: Why India’s Kabul outreach matters now – Afghan withdrawal explained india news

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Balancing Islamabad: Why India’s Kabul outreach matters now – Afghan withdrawal explained india news



New Delhi: In a diplomatic maneuver that could reshape regional equations, India on Friday announced that it will upgrade its technical mission in Kabul to a full-fledged embassy. This decision was announced during Taliban High-profile visit of Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaki to New Delhi. On the same day, the Afghan Foreign Minister condemned from Indian soil Pakistan For the bombing of civilian areas in Paktika, Afghanistan – the first of its kind, which came against the backdrop of rising tensions between Kabul and Islamabad.Foreign Minister during meetings S Jaishankar Announcing a new round of development projects in Afghan provinces, it was underlined that India’s participation “contributes to Afghanistan’s national development, as well as regional stability and resilience”. The upgrade of India’s technical mission to a full-fledged embassy signals a significant deepening of diplomatic ties without formally recognizing the Taliban regime.Later the same day, Muttaqi held a press conference in New Delhi, strongly condemning Pakistan for bombing civilian areas in Paktika, calling it a “provocative action” and a violation of Afghanistan’s sovereignty. Emphasizing on the growing rift between Kabul and Islamabad, he said, “Such issues cannot be resolved by force. Countries where there are disputes should be resolved internally. Peace and prosperity is good for all.”

India closed its Kabul embassy in August 2021 after the Taliban returned to power, maintaining only a nominal presence through a technical team to monitor humanitarian assistance from June 2022. The embassy upgrade marks the deepest level of engagement between India and the Taliban since the fall of the Ashraf Ghani government. The move stops short of formal recognition but signals a decisive shift in India’s Afghanistan strategy.

Clear message to Pakistan

The timing of the announcement was important. This came just hours after Afghanistan’s Defense Ministry accused Pakistan of bombing civilian areas in Paktika near the Durand Line. “Pakistan violated Afghanistan’s airspace, bombed a civilian market in Marghi area of ​​Paktika near the Durand Line and also violated the sovereign territory of Kabul,” the ministry said in a post on social media. Calling it an “unprecedented, violent and provocative act”, Kabul warned that it is its right to defend its territory.Muttaqi decided to give a sharp response from Indian soil. “I think this is a wrong move by the Pakistan government. Such issues cannot be resolved by force. Countries where there are disputes should be resolved internally. Peace and prosperity is good for all,” he told reporters in Delhi. “Some attacks took place in the border areas and we condemn them. We have opened the doors to dialogue and diplomacy.”The unusually strong language emphasized the growing rift between the Taliban and Pakistan, their uneasy patron for decades. Relations have soured over Islamabad’s military operation against Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) fighters reportedly taking refuge in Afghanistan. In March 2024, Pakistani airstrikes in Khost and Paktika killed several civilians, prompting Kabul to warn of “consequences”. Analysts say this fracture has created a new strategic opening for India.

Strategic recalibration: Delhi steps up

India has historically had a bad relationship with the Taliban. During the 1990s, New Delhi supported the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance, while Islamabad openly supported the Taliban regime. After 2001, India became one of the largest regional donors to Afghanistan, pledging more than USD 3 billion for development projects. But the return of the Taliban to power in 2021 disrupted India’s presence and influence in the country. New Delhi maintained limited contacts with Iran and Central Asian partners, focusing on humanitarian assistance and regional coordination.Now, with Pakistan-Taliban relations deteriorating, India is readjusting. By reopening its embassy, ​​hosting Muttaqi, and accepting Taliban-appointed diplomats (though not at the ambassadorial level), India is signaling a willingness to engage without giving formal recognition. Strategic analysts describe this as “hedging” – putting itself in a position to gain influence if Pakistan’s grip weakens further, while protecting its security concerns.Rajan Kumar, professor at the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, says this emerging situation presents India with a rare diplomatic opening.“The ongoing conflict with Afghanistan and Pakistan certainly provides an opportunity for India to become a stabilizing factor in the ongoing conflict with Pakistan as well. India’s presence means a lot to Afghanistan because it will provide some form of legitimacy to the Taliban government, even if India is unlikely to recognize the regime,” he says.

Economics, connectivity and regional share

This association also had clear economic implications. Muttaqi invited Indian companies to invest in Afghanistan’s mining sector and called for opening the Attari-Wagah border for direct India-Afghanistan trade. He said, “Pakistan and India should open the Wagah border to facilitate trade between Afghanistan and India. This will benefit the people of all three countries.”Currently, India mainly trades with Afghanistan through Iran’s Chabahar port due to denial of land access by Pakistan. But the route faces uncertainty after the United States revoked India’s sanctions waiver for Chabahar in September 2024, complicating transit. While Chabahar remains a strategic defence, its operational limitations make direct India-Afghanistan connectivity through Pakistan theoretically attractive – though politically risky.India also announced a new list of development projects: a thalassemia center and 30-bed hospital in Bagrami district, oncology and trauma centers in Kabul, maternity clinics in Paktika, Khost and Paktia, and donations of ambulances, medical equipment and vaccines. These announcements build on India’s legacy of over 500 development projects in all 34 Afghan provinces, including the Parliament House and Salma Dam.

Security Calculation: Terrorism and Recognition

Security remains at the core of India’s engagement. Without naming Pakistan, both sides in their joint statement “unequivocally condemned all acts of terrorism emanating from regional countries”. Jaishankar Said, “We have a shared commitment towards development and prosperity. However, these are under threat from the shared threat of cross-border terrorism that both our countries face. We must coordinate efforts to combat terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.” Meanwhile, Muttaqi pledged that Afghanistan “will not allow any group to use the country against others”, considering Daesh (ISIS) the main regional threat.For India, the key is to ensure that Afghan soil is not used for anti-India activities – a core concern since the IC-814 hijacking in 1999. Pro. Kumar explains this strategic conclusion:“What can happen, and what India is probably thinking, is that Afghanistan’s soil cannot be used for terrorist activities against India. From the Indian point of view this will be a major achievement,” he says.India has so far avoided putting strong pressure on the Taliban on human rights. When asked about women’s rights, Muttaqi remained vague and said, “All countries have their own customs and traditions and these should be respected.” While India has consistently raised rights issues in multilateral fora, officials have avoided making them a precondition for engagement.

Attendance restored, recognition withheld

Perhaps the most important element of India’s strategy is its decision to reopen its embassy in Kabul without formally recognizing the Taliban regime – a subtle diplomatic line that provides both flexibility and leverage to New Delhi. By restoring physical diplomatic presence, India can deepen grassroots engagement and signal its relevance in Afghanistan’s emerging power dynamics, without providing official legitimacy to a government that remains internationally unrecognized and controversial for its human rights record.This approach draws a clear distinction between establishing an embassy and granting diplomatic recognition. India has previously maintained similar diplomatic arrangements, such as with Palestine, where the presence of an embassy does not automatically translate into full diplomatic recognition of a government. In the Afghan context, this allows India to engage pragmatically while aligning its policy with the broader stance of the UN, EU and Western countries, most of which have opted for functional engagement without recognition.By doing so, New Delhi positions itself strategically. It could create channels of communication, potentially create outcomes on critical security and connectivity issues, and put pressure on regional actors like Pakistan and China, both of which are wary of India increasing its influence in Afghanistan. At the same time, India should avoid prematurely supporting a regime whose policies on women’s rights and governance are at odds with international norms.

regional balancing act

India’s reach is also informed by broader regional considerations. Russia and China have already established working relations with the Taliban. Western governments are engaged in talks on counter-terrorism and aid. Analysts say that New Delhi does not want to remain isolated.As Professor Kumar says, “Since Russia is talking, China is already there, and the American and Western governments are also talking, India should not be left out. We may have ideological differences with the Taliban regime, but since other countries are talking to the Taliban in various forms, we should also try to soften our policy and engage on many issues.This balancing act is not without challenges. The Taliban regime remains ideologically rigid, especially on women’s rights and governance. Connectivity through Chabahar faces geopolitical hurdles. And there is no guarantee that the Taliban will limit anti-India groups indefinitely. Yet, by opening formal diplomatic channels, India aims to secure a seat at the table and not watch from the sidelines as others shape Afghanistan’s future.

Strategic defense, not support

Muttaqi’s visit to Delhi, with tough rhetoric against Pakistan, overtures for trade and assurances on terrorism, reflects Kabul’s attempt to diversify its diplomatic bets. For India, the outreach is less about supporting the Taliban regime and more about strategic positioning: protecting itself against security risks, reasserting influence in a region long dominated by Pakistan, and adapting to the changing geopolitical landscape.New Delhi’s stance remains cautious but thoughtful. It is engaging the Taliban to further its security and strategic objectives, without abandoning its standard concerns or rushing into recognition. In the complex India-Afghanistan-Pakistan triangle, this marks the beginning of a new phase – where India is no longer merely reacting to developments in Kabul, but is actively shaping them.




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