Parliament will begin a special discussion in the Lok Sabha on Monday to commemorate 150 years of Vande Mataram, the song that is one of the most celebrated symbols of India’s freedom struggle.Prime Minister Narendra Modi will initiate the debate and Defense Minister Rajnath Singh will conclude it. BJP has been given three hours in the Lok Sabha, the total debate will last for about ten hours. The next day there will be a discussion in the Rajya Sabha, which will be opened by Union Home Minister Amit Shah.
This commemoration is not merely formal. It comes amid renewed political controversy over the song’s historical development, religious imagery and choices made by India’s pre-independence national leadership. What began as a patriotic hymn in a Bengali novel is once again the focus of radical political messages, competing historical narratives and questions about national identity.This explainer describes the 150-year journey of Vande Mataram – from its birth in the writings of Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay to its role in nationalism, the Congress’s 1937 decision to officially use only its first two verses, and its recognition as having “equal honor and status” with the national anthem in the Constituent Assembly.
Why is this in news now?
The upcoming debate is part of a special parliamentary focus on the legacy of Vande Mataram. But last month, political temperatures soared during an event to commemorate 150 years of the national anthem, when Prime Minister Modi accused the Congress of “removing important verses” from the original song during the 1937 Faizabad session, and claimed the decision “sowed the seeds of division”.According to the Prime Minister, the Congress’s move was tantamount to breaking the national anthem into pieces – an act that abandoned its core spirit and weakened unity. He has placed this issue within his broader narrative of ‘developed India’, linking cultural heritage to national development.
Congress immediately hit back. Citing The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (Volume 66, page 46), the party argued that the 1937 decision was not an act of partition, but a sensitive adjustment recommended by a working committee that included Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, Subhash Chandra Bose, Rajendra Prasad, Abul Kalam Azad, Sarojini Naidu and other eminent leaders. The CWC noted that the first two verses were the only parts already widely sung and nationally recognized, while the remainder contained religious imagery to which some citizens objected.The Congress also stressed that the decision was taken on the advice of Rabindranath Tagore, who himself sang Vande Mataram at the 1896 Congress session.In its rebuttal, the party accused the Prime Minister of attacking the legacy of India’s independence movement while avoiding current issues such as unemployment, inequality and foreign policy challenges.This political exchange made the upcoming parliamentary debate even more active.
Origin of Bande Mataram (1870-1880)
of PIB Historical details help clarify the song’s origins. According to Sri Aurobindo’s writings in the English daily Bande Mataram (16 April 1907), Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay composed the song around 1875. It became more widely published when Bankim’s novel Anandamath began serialization in the Bengali magazine Bangadarshan in March–April 1881.Literary context of the song: AnandamathAnandamath is built around a group of ascetic warriors, the Santanas, who dedicate themselves to freeing the motherland from oppression. Their devotion is entirely towards Mother India, who is imagined not as a religious deity but as an embodied motherland.There are three statues of the Mother Goddess in the temple of the children:
- She was mother – glorious and powerful
- Mother is that – suffering and oppressed
- The Mother Who Would Be – Restored in Power and Glory
For Aurobindo, this hymn represents the essence of “the religion of patriotism”.However, many later critics would argue that the imagery – especially in the later verses – is derived from Hindu goddess symbolism that may not be inclusive of all communities.
From song to slogan: the birth of a nationalist slogan (1900–1910)
By the beginning of the 20th century, Vande Mataram grew out of its literary origins and became one of the most influential symbols of Indian nationalism.Swadeshi and anti-partition movementAfter Lord Curzon’s 1905 partition of Bengal, this song became the rallying cry:
- boycott movement
- protest march
- Newspapers and political groups bearing its name
In 1906, in Barisal, more than 10,000 Hindus and Muslims marched together shouting Vande Mataram – a testament to its early cross-communal appeal.Celebrities who popularized it include:
- Rabindranath Tagore
- Bipin Chandra Pal
- Sri Aurobindo
Aurobindo’s writings in the Bande Mataram (newspaper) transformed this phrase into a political and spiritual exhortation for self-rule.
British repressionConcerned about its motivating effect, the colonial government repeatedly tried to suppress it:
- fine for students
- Police lathicharged
- ban on processions
- Threats of expulsion from schools and colleges
From Bengal to Bombay Presidency, the slogan of Vande Mataram became synonymous with nationalist defiance.In 1907, Madam Bhikaji Cama hoisted the first tricolor abroad – in Stuttgart – with Vande Mataram written on it.
Geet and Indian National Congress
The Congress adopted Vande Mataram not only culturally, but also formally.1896 – First Congress performance: At the Calcutta session, Rabindranath Tagore sang this song, giving it national prominence.1905 – Nationwide adoption: At the Varanasi session, Congress formally adopted Vande Mataram for all-India occasions. It was during the height of the indigenous struggle that the song became the soundtrack of political awakening.
1937 CWC decision: What verses were deleted?
Yes.By the 1930s, debate over the song’s religious imagery had become politically relevant. India’s nationalist leadership wanted to keep the movement inclusive, and Muslim leaders objected to some verses invoking Hindu deities.
Did it ‘sow the seeds of division’?
No.The CWC decision was more inclusive than divisive.The ultimate decision to limit Vande Mataram to its first two verses derives directly from this history of selective popular usage. As the committee noted, only the opening stanza – celebrating the land’s beauty and abundance in gentle, inclusive imagery – has naturally acquired national significance over the decades. The remaining verses were hardly known, rarely sung, and contained religious overtones and ideological references that many found inconsistent with the beliefs of other communities. The CWC clearly acknowledged “the validity of the objections raised by Muslim friends” on those parts. Emphasizing that the song’s modern, unifying role in national life matters far more than its origins in a historical novel, the committee concluded that only the first two verses should be sung at national celebrations. He argued that it preserved the unifying spirit that the song expressed and avoided elements that could alienate sections of India’s diverse society.What the 1937 CWC actually saidCWC statement recorded in Kolkata between October 26-November 1:
- The first two verses were widely used and contained no controversial imagery.
- The remaining verses contained “hints and a religious ideology inconsistent with the beliefs of other religious groups.”
- Only the first two verses should be sung in national functions.
- The organizers were free to choose additional songs if they wished.
The committee clearly stated that the modern national usage of the first two verses was more important than the song’s original place in a religious novel.Tagore had long argued that when a cultural symbol is used on a national level, it should not be excluded or isolated. His views shaped the committee’s decision and remain central to Congress’s defense today.
Constituent Assembly: Equal Respect, Equal Status (1950)When the Constituent Assembly sat to choose the national symbols of India, there was no dispute between Jana Gana Mana and Vande Mataram.In his statement on 24 January 1950, Speaker of the Assembly Dr. Rajendra Prasad declared:Jana Gana Mana will be the national anthem.Vande Mataram will be given equal respect and equal status because of its historical role.There was applause; No member raised any objection.This dual recognition was meant to preserve both inclusivity and historical memory: the anthem would represent national unity, while the legacy of Vande Mataram would be enshrined as part of India’s independence story.
debate today
Why is BJP reviving this issue?For the ruling party, Vande Mataram is a civilizational call that predates partisan politics. The BJP views the 1937 Congress decision as overly liberal, even conciliatory, and often links this criticism to a larger argument of “appeasement”.In the government’s view, celebrating the song’s 150th anniversary is part of a project to reaffirm cultural pride and national self-confidence.Why is Congress on defensive?Congress says that it is the party which first elevated this song, sang it in historical moments and fought the British under its banner. It argues that:
- The 1937 decision was guided by inclusivity, not division.
- The BJP is weaponizing history to divert attention from contemporary governance failures.
- Tagore and the freedom movement need to be saved from political revisionism.
What does Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind have to say?
Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind under the leadership of Maulana Mahmood Madani has taken a clear and consistent stand on this Vande Mataram Debate: It accepts the first two verses as historically valid for national usage but strongly rejects the remaining verses on religious grounds. Madani argued that the entire composition contains imagery – particularly the depiction of the matriarch as the goddess Durga – that conflicts with Islamic monotheism, making it unacceptable for Muslims to recite it.“He said that Vande Mataram in its full form is rooted in Shirkiya Aqeed (polytheistic faith). Specifically, in the remaining four verses, the motherland is depicted as Goddess Durga and addressed with words of worship – concepts that clearly conflict with the Islamic belief in the unity of God. ‘Muslims believe in one God and worship Him alone,’ Maulana Madani said. ”Against our faith and conscience,” a statement Jamiat Said.
