running news donald trump The administration’s 2025 National Security Strategy (NSS) doesn’t just chart a course – it redraws the map. Released quietly in the night, the 29-page document abandons decades of bipartisan foreign-policy orthodoxy in favor of a single, transactional approach to global power and puts India at a crossroads.In this Trumpian worldview:
- Allies are a burden.
- Values are luxury.
- Power should be one-sided.
India has been named four times – and each time, the question is clear: contribute more, cooperate more, expect less.“We must continue to improve commercial relations with India to encourage it to contribute to Indo-Pacific security, including the Quad.” Australia And Japan.”nss 2025
why it mattersThe 2025 NSS is the clearest expression of Trump’s “America First” implemented globally – a strategy driven not by alliances or ideology, but by leverage, deterrence, and self-interest.At the same time, the new National Security Strategy is the clearest statement yet on how Washington views power transition in the Indo-Pacific.China is the central competitor. The Indo-Pacific is the primary theatre. Trump’s NSS also reflects a deep indifference to 19th century power politics. it calls for roosevelt result Warning Latin America not to allow “hostile foreign ownership” of key assets, in accordance with the Monroe Doctrine. It praises “Western identity” and warns that some NATO members could become “majority non-Europeans” – something critics say smacks of racial nationalism.“Some NATO members will become majority non-European. It is an open question whether they will view their alliance with the US in the same way.”Big picture: competition with China on two frontsThe NSS divides the China challenge into two interrelated priorities:1. Rebalance economic relations using tariffs, industrial policy, and supply chain realignment.2. Maintain credible military deterrence in the Indo-Pacific to prevent conflict.The goal, according to the document: A “virtuous circle” where economic discipline finances long-term defense power, and military stability makes room for tough economic measures.India stands at the intersection of both goals. It is one of the few countries that:
- Could match China’s geographic and demographic scale.
- Provides manufacturing and investment options.
- Shares interest in freedom of navigation and supply chain flexibility.
This diplomacy is not just for diplomacy’s sake. India is now a strategic node in an integrated effort to realign power in Asia militarily, economically and technologically.Zoom in: Quad as an action platform, not a talk shopBy designating the Quad as a vehicle for India’s expanded security role, the strategy treats the grouping not as a slogan, but as a real mechanism.The strategy pays special attention to India’s role in the Quad (along with Australia, Japan and the US). The message: This is not about good rapport between democracies—it is about sound strategic coordination.The NSS views the Quad as:
- A regional security multiplier, particularly in maritime surveillance and logistics.
- Countering China’s dominance in chokepoints including the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean.
- A framework to deepen technical and defense coordination, without the need for a formal alliance.
The important thing is that the US accepts that India will avoid the language of alliance. But Washington still wants interoperability, joint awareness and shared capability development.Maritime Arguments: India in the South China SeaOne of the most explicit paragraphs in the NSS warns of the risk of Chinese coercion in sea routes: “Control of the South China Sea would allow a competitor to impose actual tolls or threaten to close vital global commerce routes.”It added: Dealing with this threat will require the cooperation of all affected countries – “obviously including India”.Why it is notable:
- It recognizes India as a maritime player and not just a continental player.
- It considers sea lane control an economic security issue, not just a military one.
- This suggests that India’s strategic geography and naval presence (particularly in the Andaman and Nicobar region) is integral to the Indo-Pacific security architecture.
This symbolizes a paradigm shift. In the view of the Donald Trump administration, India is no longer just protecting its neighborhood – it is also involved in shaping the regional order.Between the Lines: Technology, Minerals, and EcosystemsA long section of the strategy links resistance to economic and technological primacy. The NSS defines future military power through economic and technological strength—naming:
- aye
- quantum computing
- autonomous systems
- Space and undersea capabilities
- nuclear deterrence
India is seen as a potential partner in building a reliable ecosystem and not dependent on China. The rationale: The US wants to free the global innovation stack from China, and India can help build a non-Chinese infrastructure of trust.The document also makes explicit reference to critical minerals and influence in Africa, stating:“The US must engage European and Asian allies and partners, including India, to ensure access and shape norms.”Translation: India is not just a regional actor – it is part of a global coalition effort to compete with China in emerging markets, technological governance and strategic resources.India and the Global South: Opportunities – and PressuresThe NSS notes that China’s exports to low- and middle-income countries are set to double between 2020 and 2024 and have now overtaken exports to the US.Why it matters for India:
- India also wants to expand in the global south, including Africa, Southeast Asia and Latin America.
- US efforts to diversify supply chains offer potential investment windfalls for Indian manufacturing.
- But it also means greater alignment pressure from Washington – specifically:
- technical standards
- export control
- transshipment enforcement
India may find itself forced to take sides, especially as Chinese platforms become more embedded in third country markets.Strategic ambiguity meets shrinking spaceIndia has long exercised strategic autonomy while balancing relations with the US, Russia, China and others.But NSS implies that ambiguity is becoming costly. Washington is building:
- technology alliance
- critical-mineral block
- security alliance
And India is expected to become a part of them even without any treaty.The tone of the NSS suggests a “coalition of the willing” model – in which partners make real commitments, not just symbolic ones. And India is no longer out of that scope.Sharing the Burden: India’s Special Situation – and the Subtle QuestionsUnlike Japan or South Korea, India is not a treaty ally and does not host US bases. NSS accepts this.But the broader message is clear: The U.S. military “cannot and must not do this alone.”India is likely to be exempted from the toughest demands – military hosting or treaty obligations. Nevertheless, Washington will see:
- India’s naval activities
- its defense purchase options
- Its cooperation on maritime domain awareness
The NSS sets the tone: common threat, common responsibility—even without shared treaties.what are they sayingeconomist Warns that the NSS is a “dog’s breakfast” of contradictory impulses – “mushy without being obnoxious, restrained without being cool” – and is dangerously dismissive of long-term allies.
Chidanand Rajghatta calls the document a “drastic pivot towards unilateral action” that turns India from a partner into a pressure point, noting the irony of Washington demanding more from India while punishing it with tariffs.
MAGA radicals say there is no mention of Islamic terrorism; Liberal critics condemn the NSS’s silence on authoritarianism in China, Russia, Iran or North Korea.NATO allies are privately worried that the document is the first step in a US withdrawal from the alliance – fears stemming from Trump’s previous threat to “encourage Russia” to attack free-riding NATO members.Trade and Tariff Friction: Unresolved TensionsThe NSS’s “America First Diplomacy” emphasizes tariffs and reciprocal trade. Although it promotes deeper US-India commercial ties, it does not promise an easy path forward.This creates a familiar dilemma for New Delhi:
- How to partner with the US on security…without accepting unlimited economic concessions or technological sanctions?
NSS indicates that strategic alignment will increasingly shape market access. This could put India in a difficult position – especially if it wants technological access but not technological alignment.What can India learn from this strategyFour major signs emerge:1. India has been clearly designated as a strategic asset. Not just a regional actor, but an essential component of a larger China-balance architecture.2. Maritime security is taking center stage.India’s role in the sea lane security and freedom of navigation mission is now strategic, not optional.3. The technology-mineral-economic triangle matters. India is expected to help shape the future of global production and standards—especially beyond China’s borders.4. America hopes for a peaceful alliance – even without an alliance.India will not be asked to sign treaties. But he is being asked to work as a colleague.what will happen nextLook for:
- Quad military exercises to expand scope and geography
- India-US joint ventures in critical technology areas
- Pressure on India to reduce Russian defense ties
- Bilateral discussion on maritime domain awareness
- Washington is lobbying New Delhi on export controls and chip alignment
do not expect:
- a formal alliance
- US bases in India
- Withdrawal of tariffs without strategic concessions
bottom lineThe NSS is a mirror: It reflects Trump’s belief that alliances are transactional, values are optional, and burden sharing is overdue.The question is not whether India will unite or not, the question is how far it can go without losing strategic independence.America First may not mean America alone – but under Trump’s NSS, India has been draftedAnd the fine print says: “Help us win, or step aside.”(with inputs from agencies)




