Daily News Capsules
1. Pak told to rein in drones: Army chief on intrusions
India asked Pakistan to rein in its drone activities after Islamabad launched defensive drones to assess if New Delhi was preparing to take any action against it, army chief General Upendra Dwivedi said on Tuesday, speaking against the backdrop of multiple aerial intrusions in Jammu earlier this week. The army chief said the Indian director general of military operations spoke to his Pakistani counterpart on Tuesday and told him such drone actions were unacceptable. Hours after his comments, drones were spotted at two separate places in Jammu, triggering army fire. A suspected Pakistani drone was also spotted in Rajasthan’s Jaisalmer on Monday night. He also said that India was looking at creating a rocket-cum-missile force at the earliest to boost its combat effectiveness with weapons that can hit targets at different ranges, pointing out that the country’s neighbours had already raised such specialised forces. “It is the need of the hour that we raise such a force. Today, rockets and missiles complement each other… We are looking at a rocket-missile force as China and Pakistan have already raised their own rocket forces. And the faster we organise it, the better it will be for our combat effectiveness,” he said at his customary media briefing ahead of the 78th Army Day on January 15. The push for a rocket-missile force comes at a time when force restructuring is one of the pillars of the army’s decade of transformation. Force restructuring focuses on reviewing organisational structures to enhance multi-domain combat potency and achieve an optimal ‘tooth-to-tail’ balance, the army chief said. The ‘tooth-to-tail’ ratio refers to the number of personnel (tail) required to support a combat soldier (tooth).
Possible Question
What is meant by the “tooth-to-tail ratio” in military organisation, and why is it central to the Indian Army’s ongoing force-restructuring and proposal to create a rocket-missile force?
2. Quick commerce platforms to drop ‘10-min delivery’ vow
Quick-commerce platforms have assured the Union government they will drop standard 10-minute delivery promises to customers after a series of meetings with Union labour minister Mansukh Mandaviya, two people aware of the development said on Tuesday. Such service providers employ gig workers, who held strikes on Christmas and New Year’s eve in 2025 to draw attention to what they say are unsafe delivery demands made of them and the lack of adequate health, safety and income protections in the event of accidents. The move follows discussions steered by the labour ministry last week. Minister Mansukh Mandaviya raised the issues flagged by gig worker unions and asked platforms to refrain from “branding” tight deadlines. Blinkit, one of the largest such companies, revised its tag-line from “10,000+ products delivered in 10 minutes” to “30,000+ products delivered at your doorstep” on Tuesday, and its competitors Swiggy and Zepto were expected to follow suit, the people cited above added. Quick commerce has boomed. Revenues from quick-commerce operations for Eternal, the parent company of Blinkit, surged to ₹7,100 crore from ₹4,200 crore a year earlier, according to a Careedge Ratings. Zepto, a platform owned by KiranaKart Technologies with over 250 dark stores, on Tuesday increased its standard delivery time to 16 minutes or more. A spokesperson for Zomato, a food-delivery app, said the company “would not like to comment on this at this time”. Eternal and Zepto too declined to comment on the matter. Meanwhile, gig workers said that that the development has no bearing on their operations and they have not received any formal communication regarding the same. To be sure, there is no ban on 10-minute delivery. Many dark stores are located in close proximity to consumers’ doorsteps, and “in these cases, 10-minute delivery will continue as it is feasible to deliver quickly without any pressure on gig workers,” one of the people cited above said. Apps like Swiggy Instamart, Zepto and Blinkit have invested massive sums into so-called dark stores, which are neighbourhood warehouses designed to fulfil quick online orders amid growing consumer demand.
Possible Question
Who are gig workers under India’s labour framework, and why has the rise of quick commerce platforms triggered demands for better occupational safety and social security?
3. Cut-off percentile for NEET-PG ‘0’ for reserved applicants
The National Board of Examinations in Medical Sciences (NBEMS) on Tuesday reduced the qualifying percentile to zero for candidates in reserved categories, enabling even those who scored as low as minus 40 marks out of 800 in the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (Postgraduate), or NEET-PG 2025, to participate in the third round of the ongoing counselling process for postgraduate medical admissions. The decision has drawn sharp criticism from sections of the medical fraternity, who argue it reflects a worrying decline in academic standards in medical education. The NBEMS, which conducts examinations for admission to postgraduate and super-speciality medical courses, announced in a notice dated January 13 that it had reduced the NEET-PG 2025 cut-off for the third round of counselling. The qualifying percentile for the general category was lowered from the 50th to the 7th percentile and for disabled people from the 45th to the 5th percentile. For candidates belonging to SC, ST, and OBC, it was reduced to zero. This means all candidates from reserved categories who appeared for the NEET-PG 2025 are now eligible for admission to MD and MS seats that remain vacant after the first two rounds of counselling, as the minimum qualifying mark requirement has been removed. NBEMS said the decision was taken on the Union health ministry’s directions. Health activist Dr Dhruv Chauhan said the decision to lower the cut-off to zero “will benefit the private medical colleges more than the deserving doctors who spend years working hard…Seats will be sold for crores again.”
Possible Question
What is the role of the National Board of Examinations in Medical Sciences (NBEMS), and what concerns does lowering the NEET-PG cut-off to zero for reserved categories raise for medical education and healthcare standards?
4. SC divided on nod for graft investigation against officials
The Supreme Court on Tuesday delivered a split verdict on the constitutional validity of Section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption (PC) Act, 1988 –– a provision inserted through the 2018 amendments mandating prior government approval before initiating any inquiry or investigation against public servants for decisions taken in the discharge of official duties. A bench comprising justices BV Nagarathna and KV Viswanathan differed on whether the provision could withstand constitutional scrutiny, with Justice Nagarathna striking it down as unconstitutional, while Justice Viswanathan upheld it subject to safeguards. In view of the divergence, the matter will now be placed before the Chief Justice of India for the constitution of a larger bench. The verdict came in a petition by non-profit Centre for Public Interest Litigation (CPIL), challenging the alleged dilution of the anti-corruption framework through the 2018 amendments to the PC Act. In her opinion, Justice Nagarathna held that Section 17A is contrary to binding precedents of the Supreme Court and impermissibly stifles corruption inquiries at the threshold. She ruled that the provision violates earlier judgments of the apex court, including Vineet Narain Vs Union of India (1997) and Subramanian Swamy Vs Director, CBI (2014), which emphasised the need for independent and unhindered investigation into allegations of corruption involving public servants.
Justice Nagarathna found that mandating prior approval even before the initiation of an inquiry undermines the rule of law and enables the executive to exercise control over investigative agencies in a manner previously disapproved by the court. Justice Nagarathna further held that Section 17A is arbitrary in its operation, as the decision to grant or deny approval rests within government departments that may themselves be involved in or affected by the impugned decisions. Justice Viswanathan, in contrast, held that striking down Section 17A altogether would be a disproportionate response that risks paralysing governance. Emphasising the need to protect bona fide decision-making, he cautioned that fear of criminal investigation could drive honest officers into a “play-it-safe” mode, causing policy paralysis and harming public administration. Justice Viswanathan held that the provision could be constitutionally sustained if complaints are first subjected to independent screening by institutions such as the Lokpal or Lokayuktas through preliminary inquiries. Such an approach, he said, would prevent frivolous or motivated complaints while ensuring that genuine cases of corruption are not stifled at inception.
Possible Question
What is Section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act, and why has it raised constitutional concerns regarding the independence of corruption investigations?
5. As US tariff threat looms, officials say India-Iran trade ‘minuscule’
India’s trade with Iran is minuscule and primarily involves supplies of food and pharmaceuticals essential for inflation-ravaged Iranian citizens, people aware of the matter said, adding that any implication of new American tariffs for those who export to Iran will depend on the specifics of Washington’s decisions. US President Donald Trump said in a social media post on Monday that “effective immediately, any Country doing business with the Islamic Republic of Iran will pay a Tariff of 25% on any and all business being done with the United States of America. This Order is final and conclusive…” His comments were in response to a crackdown on protests by the regime in Tehran, which has reportedly led to the deaths of 2,000 people. India’s external affairs minister S. Jaishankar separately said he discussed trade, critical minerals, nuclear cooperation, defence and energy with his US counterpart Marco Rubio during a phone call on Tuesday. People familiar with the matter, who asked not to be named, said the specifics of any US executive order over such a tariff would clarify the status of the bulk of India’s exports to Iran, which overall make for a minuscule proportion of India’s overall merchandise exports. If any additional levies are to kick in, they would apply on exports to America, where Indian goods are already subject to 50% duties, including a 25% punitive levy over Russian energy purchases. Iran doesn’t figure among India’s top 50 global trading partners. India’s total trade with Iran during 2024-25 was worth $1.68 billion, or about 0.15% of the country’s total trade, with imports from Iran amounting to $0.44 billion. India stopped importing oil from Iran—once the main commodity in two way trade—in May 2019 because of sanctions imposed by Trump in his first term. This resulted in two-way trade plummeting from $17.03 billion in 2018-19 to the current low levels.
Possible Question
How have US sanctions on Iran since 2019 reshaped India-Iran trade, and why is Iran now a marginal trading partner for India despite earlier energy ties?
Editorial Snapshots
A. Healing after tariff damage
US ambassador-designate Sergio Gor struck all the right notes in his first public appearance in New Delhi after months of strains that dragged India-US relations to their lowest point in almost two decades, providing reassurance that a much-anticipated, and much-delayed bilateral trade agreement was still on track and stating that India would soon be included in the Pax Silica initiative. Gor’s comments, emphasising India’s position as a partner of the US and about friends resolving their differences despite disagreements, should provide some cold comfort to officials in New Delhi who have grown weary of the ramifications of Washington’s increasingly whimsical and unpredictable policy choices — especially given his perceived proximity to President Donald Trump. Gor’s approach appears aimed at repairing the India-US relationship, currently in a state of stasis over Trump’s bruising 50% tariff on Indian goods. Both countries should continue negotiations on the trade deal, the first tranche of which was originally meant to be concluded by late last year, as success on this front can go a long way in rebuilding trust and adding value to the bilateral relationship. However, it remains to be seen how much Gor can influence decision-making by Trump and how much he can do to address what is a growing trust deficit between India and the US. Trump’s latest move to impose 25% tariffs on all countries trading with Iran, which could impact India, is one such development that can further complicate Gor’s efforts to build bridges between Washington and New Delhi. A host of other important extraneous issues, such as the hosting of the next Quad Leaders’ Summit by India, have become hostage to the conclusion of an India-US trade deal, and again, Gor could play a key role in this regard by emphasising the need for Washington to take a compartmentalised approach to such matters. New Delhi will be closely watching Gor’s larger role as the US special envoy for South and Central Asia, as India has traditionally been loath to any effort by the US to equate it with Pakistan. Already, the growing relationship between Trump and Pakistan army chief Field Marshal Asim Munir has caused much consternation in India. Much will thus depend on whether Gor can walk the talk and deliver on the promises made in his inaugural speech.
Possible Question
How do US tariffs and stalled trade negotiations affect India-US strategic relations, and what role could initiatives like Pax Silica play in rebuilding economic trust?
B. In Maximum City, polls shrink to narrow identity
It is back to the 1960s in Mumbai, going by the poll rhetoric of the Thackeray cousins. Politically cornered and weakened by splits, the Shiv Sena (UBT) of Uddhav Thackeray and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena of Raj Thackeray have fallen back on Marathi identity concerns to stay in the race to retain the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC). The pre-split Shiv Sena was an enthusiastic espouser of the Hindutva agenda — and this worked electorally in Mumbai, which has seen a rise in migration from northern India. But with the Thackerays falling out with the BJP, they have sought to set the clock back, claiming that “this (the election) was the final battle for Mumbai and Marathi manoos (people)”. Their shrill campaign has flagged issues such as capital moving out of Maharashtra to Gujarat, militant vegetarianism, and the Mahayuti government’s aborted move to introduce the three-language formula in schools, in a bid to rally the Marathi manoos. Marathi identity birthed the Sena, and propelled it in its initial years, but it remains to be seen if identity politics will work in the new Mumbai, a cosmopolitan city of 20 million people, of which native Marathi speakers account for just about 30%. There has been a resurgence of singular identities in politics — mostly faith-centric — but, in the context of Mumbai, this signals poor political imagination. Sadly, the BJP, which started its campaign with a focus on recent investments in public infrastructure, has taken a cue from the Thackerays and changed its tune. In all this, the opportunity to audit the state of BMC, its thin finances, lack of vision for the ever-growing city, and the skillset of aspiring corporators and employees has been lost. Mumbai is not just a rich municipal corporation but a major engine of the Indian economy, and the financial and commercial capital of the world’s fourth largest economy. Its governance has consequences beyond the city and even the state. Unfortunately, political parties have preferred to slug it out over narrow identities.
Possible Question
Why has Marathi identity politics resurfaced in Mumbai’s municipal elections, and what risks does it pose for governance of India’s financial capital?
Fact of the day
US gets hands on elusive device possibly behind ‘Havana Syndrome’: The defence department is testing a device bought in an undercover operation that investigators think could be the reason behind mysterious ailments “Havana Syndrome” affecting US spies, diplomats and troops, CNN has reported. The ailments first emerged in late 2016, when several US diplomats based in Cuba’s capital city Havana began reporting symptoms consistent with head trauma, including vertigo and extreme headaches. In later years, similar cases have been reported around the world. CNN reported that a division of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), bought the device for millions of dollars in the last days of the Joe Biden administration, using funds provided by the defence department, according to multiple sources. The device produces pulsed radio waves which some officials and academics have believed for years could be the cause of the incidents. The device is not entirely Russian in origin, but it has Russian components. Officials have long struggled to understand how a device powerful enough to cause the kind of damage some victims have reported could be made portable, according to one of the sources. The device could fit in a backpack, this person said. CNN said that the acquisition of the device has reignited a contentious debate within the US government about “Havana Syndrome”, known officially as “anomalous health episodes”. In the later years, the US intelligence community and the defence department have sought to understand if those affected were the victims of some kind of directed energy attack by a foreign government. Top intelligence officials have said publicly that there wasn’t enough evidence to back that conclusion and victims arguing that the US government has gaslit them and ignored key evidence that Russia was behind the attacks. Defence officials considered their findings serious enough that they briefed the House and Senate Intelligence Committees late last year, including reference to the acquired device and its testing.
