More than 3 crore voters are expected to vote for 29 municipal bodies across Maharashtra on Thursday (January 15, 2026). With the tenure of most municipal corporations ending between 2019-2022, these civic bodies have since been run by administrators.
In Mumbai, the struggle for the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) is a battle between three unusual alliances – Thackeray’s cousins (Raj and Uddhav) with Sharad Pawar’s NCP, the BJP-Shiv Sena and the Congress-led Bahujan Aghadi (VBA). Among many firsts, voters will see two Shiv Sena and two NCP in the fray along with Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), BJP, Congress and smaller parties like AAP, SP, VBA, RPI(A).
confusing alliance
Mridul Nile, associate professor of political science at the University of Mumbai, asks, “Who are elections for? For voters or for political parties, every party has its own customer base. But with such alliances, voters will not be able to go by their political preferences very clearly and unambiguously.”
Cautioning that voters become desensitized to such unusual alliances, Dr Nile says, “This is why the Congress chose to ally with Shiv Sena (UBT) when MNS joined. On one hand, Uddhav Thackeray is, in a way, appeasing Muslims and Raj Thackeray is against them. In such situations, you will find that BJP gets a clear advantage because they are not compromising on ideology.” When asked about Congress changing alliances in Pune, he said, “The party will try to maximize its position and is trying to join such alliances at some places. But broadly speaking, it doesn’t come across that way.”
Voters have also expressed their confusion about the alliance. Mira Road resident and first-time citizen voter Shubhayan Bhattacharya says, “If there are so many different, multi-cornered races, it becomes difficult to make up your mind because then you don’t know which way they will lean once you get elected. Moreover, the candidates fielded by these parties are not known faces. What are their qualifications? In a local election I would want to vote for a candidate. But when he is not a known person, you may have to go party-wise. Is”.
Similarly, BJP supporter and Mumbai-based builder Pradeep Surekha calls the Thackeray alliance ‘unacceptable’, saying, “Shiv Sena and BJP are in alliance, it is acceptable. But at some places, they are fighting against each other. We the voters are confused. In the Thackeray-MNS alliance, Uddhav is in favor of Muslims while Raj Thackeray is against North Indians. Ajit Pawar is with them (BJP-Sena) at the Center and the state, but here, in Pune etc. they are fighting them. (Parties) are trying to sell it just to gain power, there is no morality or ethics.
However, the Sena appears to be a clear choice among core Marathi voters. Mumbai-based Marathi writer Charushila Golam says, “(Eknath) Shinde has been very active in Mumbai. Be it Atal Setu or Samruddhi Expressway, he seems to have Mumbai’s interests at heart. This is because he has grown the ranks of the original Shiv Sena as a common man. When others (Shiv Sena UBT) were in power, some of the things he did were not up to expectations. However, he (Uddhav Thackeray) did well in some areas But there is a lack of leadership within the party. The corporators of both the armies will win because of their efficiency, not because of the party.”
Even in Chembur’s Lokhandemarg area, where there is a strong Marathi vote base, Sena voters are clear. “We have always voted for Balasaheb Thackeray and we will continue to support Uddhav,” says Sunanda, a domestic help. While she credits former Congress MP Chandrakant Handore for being responsible for resolving water issues in the area, she affirms, “Thackeray has always stood up for us.”
Ajinkya Gaikwad, assistant professor of politics at SIES College of Arts, Science and Commerce, says that in local elections, what matters is the candidate and not the alliance the party joins. “In places where quota (women, SC/ST) is in practice, Shiv Sena (UBT) did not consider it before distributing tickets. These people have now moved to BJP. A voter from a lower middle class background will be very certain about the person they are voting for. And I think voter turnout should be higher this time, given that there has been a long gap despite the confusion and disarray in the political scenario.”
BMC has been with Shiv Sena since 1985 (except 1992–1996). However, as the demography of the city changes, the BJP continues to make inroads into the Sena’s territory. In 2017, the BJP won 82 seats, while the undivided Shiv Sena won 84 seats as both contested the election alone. With the collapse of the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance in 2019 and the split of the Army in 2022, Mr Shinde has twice challenged Mr Uddhav Thackeray’s claim as the ‘true’ Army. In the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections, Mr Shinde outperformed Mr Uddhav Thackeray in terms of seat-sharing, but in most of the Mumbai seats where the two forces clashed, Mr Uddhav Thackeray won.
To woo their supporters, the BJP and Shiv Sena are sticking to Hindutva and making driving out ‘Bangladeshi infiltrators’ their main election plank, assuring that Mumbai will have a ‘Marathi Hindu mayor’, promising rapid progress of the city’s metro network, better housing for those living in chawls/slums. Thackeray, on the other hand, is campaigning on the issue of a unified ‘Marathi Manoos’ and has promised free electricity up to 100 units, 1 lakh affordable houses, property tax waiver on houses up to 700 sq ft, monthly cash transfer of ₹1,500 to domestic helpers and Koli women, subsidized food at ₹10 and financial assistance for self-employment. He has also promised hospitals, ambulances, pet parks and education reforms.
Marathi manoos factor
When Dr. Nile is asked how much influence the ‘Marathi Manoos’ has, he says, “In areas where Marathi chawls are present, Shiv Sena-MNS will have the upper hand.” He says, “Right from the beginning, they have been criticizing the Shinde Sena and alleging that he (Shinde) has not been loyal to the Marathi Manoos. The fact that the Shinde Sena is with the BJP also gives him (Shinde) a little North Indian touch. Obviously, Shinde The Sena will not get the votes of both North Indians as well as Maharashtrians.”
However, he says there is deep dissatisfaction among the young Sena workers (activists) aged 35-50, who built the party from the grassroots under the leadership of Balasaheb Thackeray. “Because of these unusual alliances, party strategy and ticket distribution, these Sena (UBT) workers are going to either BJP or Shinde Sena. I think it is time for Shiv Sena (UBT) to consider why and how they want to take this special election forward.
Citing the example of Lalbagh and Parel, Dr Gaikwad says, “The Marathi versus non-Marathi issue will play out only in areas where at least 60-70% of the population of the ward is Marathi.” However, in areas with mixed population like Kurla, Andheri or even Chembur, such politics may be ineffective, he says, “Since it is a matter of survival for Shiv Sena (UBT) and MNS, they are bound to woo the Marathi vote. Shiv Sena (UBT) is counting on consolidating the Marathi vote base, which is largely divided among the four parties. Ego issues are at the back burner as the large non-Marathi electorate is already with the BJP. Has already approached and is pleading with Congress.”
Accountability, corruption and urban expansion
After living under local administrators for three years, voters are excited to elect their representatives. “In the last six-seven months, voter surveys have shown that bureaucratically run municipalities are efficient, but these officials do not listen to the concerns of citizens. There is accountability of a local politician. However, the voter turnout in the Mumbai metropolitan area is generally not very good, but I believe we can maintain it and surpass it by a few percentage points this time,” believes Dr Gaikwad.
Mumbai’s rapid urbanization coupled with the expansion of private companies in real estate is worrying builders and voters alike. “During the COVID-19 lockdown, construction had slowed down, but in the last 2-3 years, large-scale projects have come up. These new projects are planned haphazardly and there is no clarity on how the infrastructure needs for these will be met. More buildings require more water supply. We are already facing daily water cuts and we have no idea where the sewage and drainage systems will fit in for the buildings,” says Mr. Bhattacharya, resident of Mira Road.
He says that in the absence of a councilor there was no way to contest elections on these projects as residents were not taken into confidence. He further said, “If we go to the MBMC office, the bureaucrats say go and talk to the Thane office as it comes under them. In Thane, they say the orders have come from the top. There is no accountability.” Ms Golam also agrees with his opinion. “Mumbai’s population has grown rapidly and it needs better planning, not just expansion. Who has given approval for all these new buildings? You need to plan for better education, health facilities and everyday services like drains, water, electricity. If one person (corporators) cannot provide for us, they will have to create managers down the line who do regular checks.”
On the part of builders, real estate expansion has come with rampant corruption. As an industrialist looking for a plot in Mumbai’s MIDC area, Mr. Surekha says, “Corruption was always rife in every (civic) organisation. Earlier the prices were Rs 20-30 lakh and now they demand crores. How will industries come in? The BMC’s budget is bigger than small states like Goa or equal to Jharkhand. Any builder has miscellaneous expenses apart from construction and crores are expected to be spent due to corruption.” He also lists illegal hawkers and noise pollution as minor issues that he feels the corporator of his choice should tackle.
Air quality is not a matter of concern right now
One issue, which sadly remained missing from the voters’ minds, was air quality. Mumbai, which is among the top 10 to 15 most polluted cities in the world, has an average air quality index (AQI) of 152.
The lack of concrete plans to deal with air pollution becomes clear from the manifestos of the parties themselves. “They talk about controlling AQI, but want to cut property taxes by 50% and give monthly transfers to women. If everything is free, how will the municipality function,” asks Dr Nile.
Ms Sumanda, a domestic help, laments: “The Ladki Bahin scheme, which sends ₹1,500 per month to women aged 21-65, has also lost its appeal among voters. They are sending money, but they are also increasing the prices of groceries.”
Dr Gaikwad says, “There is a feeling among voters that we are better than other cities. Voters say we are at 150 while so and so city is at 500 or 600. They make relative comparisons to make themselves feel better and that is the big problem.” The political will on this issue also seems inconsistent. “Despite a prominent politician like Aditya Thackeray talking about it, how many local candidates are actually aware of these issues and in line with the central leadership of that party,” he asks.
He concluded that environmental movements are led by a middle class audience with “a nuanced understanding of environmental jurisprudence or laws and its larger implications, felt by the middle class. They are the ones who will raise the issues, but more people from the lower middle class or lower backgrounds will not think as dearly about the environment because they will have survival or survival issues”.
Proving her point, Ms Sunanda says all the parties campaigning in her chawl have promised to install a dedicated tap water connection in her house.
