Despite Tamil Nadu having a large number of women voters, the profile of the elections has seen variations and analysts believe that most of them do not form a cohesive vote base.
At the center of the state’s upcoming assembly elections are women voters, who form more than 51% of the electorate, comprising about 56.7 million voters, about 1.2 million more than men. They do the same in 215 out of 234 assembly constituencies in the state.
However, experts found loopholes in the female vote base, most of which were arguably divided on the basis of caste, class, religion. Election expert Arun Krishnamurthy said, “Women are the majority of voters in Tamil Nadu. However, they are not a united vote base today. They are divided on the basis of caste, class, religion etc. Jayalalitha was the only one who could unite them and motivate them to vote for the AIADMK.”
Notably, major political parties including Chief Minister MK Stalin’s Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), Edappadi K Palaniswami-led All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and actor-politician Vijay’s Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) lack prominent women leaders.
Instead, the election contest raises a more complex question of who can best understand and capture the emerging aspirations of women voters in the state?
From consolidation to fragmentation
In 2021, a convergence of factors helped the DMK secure a comfortable victory. The absence of J Jayalalitha and the internal leadership struggle of the AIADMK created conditions for change. The DMK-led alliance combined it with welfare promises targeted at women, allowing it to make inroads into the voter base that had historically supported the AIADMK.
“In 2021, a large portion of the AIADMK’s women voters moved to the DMK because, for one, they had no other option due to Jayalalitha’s absence and infighting in the AIADMK leadership. DMK’s welfare promises specifically tailored to women were another factor. However, the shift of women voters from the AIADMK to the DMK was not natural and now, with the entry of the new alliance, or TVK, women voters Must be held responsible for separating and moving away from DMK.” Krishnamurthy said.
Emotion, Leadership and Wellness Baseline
Political leaders and analysts say the women’s vote in Tamil Nadu defies simple categorization. Instead, they continue to base their political choices around welfare-driven promises.
Chennai-based author and activist Shalin Maria Lawrence said women’s voting behavior is both issue-based and leadership-driven, shaped by the search for credible leadership with emotional connect.
Parties like Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) and TVK have attracted some women, especially in rural areas, by raising concerns over security and violence, issues that mainstream Dravidian parties have only recently addressed.
Lawrence said, “There is also a growing sense of fatigue with welfare-focused politics, with concerns that subsidies are disrupting deeper policy interventions. Caste is shaping participation, with reports of Dalit women considering electoral boycotts in response to caste violence. Meanwhile, representation remains constrained.”
She said many women also hesitate to contest local body elections, reflecting deep socio-economic and cultural barriers and a political imagination that still struggles to see women as independent leaders rather than as loyal vote banks.
DMK’s welfare issue
DMK has focused its campaign on welfare distribution. Major schemes include free bus travel for women and Kalaignar Magalir Uraimai Thittam (KMUT), which provides ₹1,000 per month to one woman per family.
According to DMK leaders, schemes like KMUT or free bus service for women are conscious decisions taken by the party for structural empowerment of women in the state.
At the grassroots level, these schemes have deepened DMK’s connect with women, especially among low-income families. But the response has not been uniformly positive. A senior DMK leader said, “The party is very conscious of its welfare gains. It has tried to understand what women voters want and has made welfare promises this time with the aim of retaining voters.”
The eligibility criteria for KMUT has created dissatisfaction, especially among women whose applications were rejected on technical or data-related grounds. Government’s decision on transfer ₹More than Rs 5,000 worth of assistance was given to more than 13 million beneficiaries earlier this year in what CM Stalin described as a “summer package”, strengthening support among recipients but increasing resentment among those excluded.
The result is a dual effect of integration among beneficiaries and disaffection among those left out.
AIADMK’s reform efforts
After losing a significant share of women in 2021, the AIADMK has positioned itself as a natural reclaimer of that base.
Its strategy includes promising higher monthly allowances ₹2,000 and reviving schemes like Thalikku Thangam (gold for marriage). Still, structural challenges remain. The party’s campaign on women’s safety lacks consistency and its ability to maintain pressure on the ruling government remains uneven.
politics of victory and disruption
Into this competitive space enters Vijay, whose appeal transcends traditional political categories.
Krishnamurthy said, “He is someone many people have grown up watching on screen. There is a sense of belonging and charm about him.”
That introduction has led to a change in enthusiasm among women as well as youth and first-time voters. “He is clearly making a dent in the women votes of both AIADMK and DMK,” he said.
TVK has attempted to position itself as a broad-based alternative, targeting women, youth, Scheduled Caste and minority communities. But personal disputes and limited grassroots organization have also raised concerns.
Women, work and the politics of everyday life
Tamil Nadu’s industrial economy depends heavily on women workers, especially in the textile, electronics and manufacturing sectors. The state’s share in India’s female factory workforce is about 43%. Yet, much of this work is low-paid, labor-intensive, and precarious, with limited upward mobility.
Veteran journalist and political analyst T Sigmani called this a “structural paradox”.
“Women voters in Tamil Nadu see governance, welfare and political choice as deeply interconnected; they evaluate governments through the everyday delivery of public services, security and cost of living. They see welfare as a form of economic support and recognition of their role within the household and the state,” she said.
“This creates a voting pattern that combines emotional trust in leadership with practical calculations of stability and profit,” Sigmani said.
This becomes clear when viewed from the ground.
Writer, activist and Dalit feminist Bama Faustina Soosairaj pointed to the changing nature of women’s work. Women are now moving beyond agriculture to corporate offices, IT parks, factories and labor sites, often away from home, while domestic responsibilities remain unchanged.
“In this context, even modest welfare interventions acquire importance. Monthly cash transfers of ₹Provides direct access to money to 1,000 women. Free bus travel reduces the cost of commuting to work. These are very small things but mean a lot to women, especially rural women.”
According to both Bama and Sigmani, the practical logic behind women’s political choice is that “welfare serves not as a charity, but as an enabler of autonomy, mobility, and survival.”
representation paradox
Despite their central role in electoral strategy, women remain underrepresented in political structures.
In 2021, only 12 women won assembly elections, a mere 5%, the lowest since 2001.
In 2026, DMK has fielded 18 women candidates, AIADMK 20 and TVK 23, while NTK is standing with 117 candidates, maintaining its 50% policy.
A senior political functionary acknowledged that candidate selection is determined by established perceptions of “winnability”. Parties often field women in unreserved or reserved constituencies, treating the representation as symbolic rather than substantive.
Parties understand the electoral importance of women voters but are hesitant to nurture strong women leaders, she said, “wary of creating another image with Jayalalitha’s political dominance.”
