Assam Assembly Elections 2026: The battle for identity, power and ‘Assomiya Jatiyotabad’ india news

New Delhi: As the people of the “tea state” prepare to elect a new government on April 9, “Assomiya Jatiyotabad” (Assam(ESE nationalism) remains a main issue for Assam. For decades, the state has grappled with concerns about protecting its cultural and demographic identity, especially from the threat of “outsiders”, primarily illegal immigrants.As the election campaign ended, what happened in the towns, villages and remote parts of the state was not just a visible political contest, but also a quiet, deep churning on identity politics.Therefore, the 2026 assembly elections are not just about who forms the next government, they are a high-stakes referendum on identity, power and the future direction of Assam politics.

Decline of regional parties?

One of the most significant changes in the political landscape of Assam is the decreasing autonomy of regional parties. Historically, Assam politics was shaped by strong regional movements that emerged demanding the protection of Assamese identity. The Assam movement led to the formation of political platforms like the Assam Gana Parishad, which at one time dominated the political narrative of the state. However, over the past few years, the relevance of these regional forces has come into question.Political analysts argue that the “hijacking” of Assamese Jatiyotabad by national parties, coupled with their superior organizational and financial resources, has pushed regional parties into alliances for survival.Columnist Brojen Deka said identity politics has long been at the center of Assam elections. “The protection of culture, language and identity has always been a matter of concern for the Assamese people. And it has been used in different ways by different political regimes,” he told PTI.He told that BJPComing to power in 2016 was also based on this issue.“If you look at the broader entry of the BJP into power in 2016, the election issue was ‘Jati, Mati, Bheti’ (community, land, home), which was a direct reference to protecting the indigenous identity. And even in the 2026 elections, it is still promising to take action against illegal Bangladeshis from the state,” he said.

The journey of the Assam Gana Parishad reflects the broader challenges faced by regional parties. The AGP which once positioned itself as the primary defender of Assamese identity and led governments in 1985 and 1996. Today, however, she finds herself as a junior ally within the BJP-led coalition.The party has its roots in the Assam Movement (1979–1985), which was a mass movement led by the All Assam Students Union and supported by the All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad. The movement focused on demands to identify and deport “illegal immigrants”, and saw widespread protests, strikes, and political mobilization across the state.The movement ended with the signing of the Assam Accord on 15 August 1985 after talks with its leaders by then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. The agreement created a framework for detecting and deporting illegal immigrants, while also promising political and economic safeguards for the Assamese people.Soon after, the movement’s leaders moved into electoral politics. In October 1985, at a conference in Golaghat, several regional groups, including the Assam Jatiyatabadi Party and the Purbanchaliya Lok Parishad, came together to form the Assam Gana Parishad.Riding on the momentum of the Assam Accord and strong regional sentiment, the AGP contested the 1985 assembly elections focusing on protecting Assamese identity, economic development and greater state autonomy. The party fielded 107 candidates and won 64 seats, forming the first regional government in Assam. She returned to power again in 1996 on the same issue.However, the party’s influence has declined over the years.Highlighting the change, retired educationist Nav Kumar Mahanta said the party now contests very few seats and there have been significant changes in its candidate profile.“What is more worrying now is that this year, 13 of its 26 candidates are Muslims and many of them are Bengali-speaking, a community that the AGP had earlier viewed with suspicion of being illegal immigrants,” he said.He said that while the AGP’s approach was secular, it had historically maintained a distance from Bengali-speaking Muslims, a stance that appears to have evolved in recent years.

Rise of ‘Brand Himanta’

is at the center of this assembly election Himanta Biswa SarmaWho is seeking a second consecutive term as Chief Minister. In 2021, in a state historically defined by “casteism” and ethnic identity, the BJP leadership chose Sarma, a Brahmin, over incumbent Sarbananda Sonowal, who is from the indigenous Assamese community.Over the years, Sarma has crafted a distinct political persona often referred to as “Brand Himanta” or even colloquially as “Mama” (uncle), who blends aggressive rhetoric with welfare-driven governance. This time his campaign is based on a mix of strong messages and emotional appeals.As Hemant seeks a second term as CM, anti-Mia speeches, no-holds-barred approach, strong welfare pitch and caste, mati, bheti (identity, land, motherland) pitch have all become key pillars of his campaign strategy.Along with this, the BJP-led government has highlighted welfare schemes and infrastructure development to strengthen its support base. The ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by Himanta includes the Bharatiya Janata Party as well as Assam Gana Parishad, Bodoland People’s Front and Rabha-Hassong Joutha Manch.The stakes are high for BJP. After forming governments in 2016 and 2021, the party is now aiming for a third consecutive term, this time with the added ambition of securing a majority on its own.

On the other side of the political spectrum, the Congress is attempting a comeback by projecting Gaurav Gogoi as its chief ministerial face.The party has launched an aggressive campaign against Sarma, targeting both his governance record and ideological positions. In a sharp attack earlier this year, Gogoi had questioned the chief minister’s credibility on identity politics.“How does he try to portray himself? Does he believe he is a great Hindu leader or a great Khilonjiya leader?” Gogoi asked on February 4, challenging Sarma’s claims of representing indigenous Assamese interests.He further argued that support for the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), is a deeply controversial issue in Assam. By invoking the term “Khilonjia”, which refers to the indigenous, “soil-born” communities of Assam, Gogoi tried to re-position the Congress within an identity discourse that traditionally favors regional and nationalist narratives.

To counter the BJP’s electoral machinery, the Congress has formed a broad, six-party opposition alliance that includes the Left and regional forces.The alliance includes the Communist Party of India (Marxist), Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation, All Party Hill Leaders Conference, Lurinjyoti Gogoi-led Assam Jatiya Parishad and Akhil Gogoi-led Raijor Dal. Together, they aim to strengthen anti-incumbency sentiment and present a united front against the ruling coalition.The alliance has announced candidates for 122 of the 126 seats, with the Congress contesting the highest share in 94 constituencies. Raijor Dal will contest on 11 seats, including two “friendly fights” with the Congress.Akhil Gogoi, who won from Sivasagar in the last election while in jail on sedition charges linked to the anti-CAA protests, is once again contesting from the same constituency. Over the years, he has built a strong grassroots image through sustained activism and mobilization.

The BJP was collectively targeting the parties by treating them as a de facto faction even before they formally came together.The BJP labeled the trio the “3G”, derogatorily branding them as “Miya, Miya Pro and Miya Pro Max”, an apparent attempt to portray them as pro-Muslim. Also, it warned Lurinjyoti Gogoi that forming an alliance with the Congress would be tantamount to betraying “Assamese nationalism”.Both Gogois belong to the Ahom community, which is numerically small but socially and politically influential, especially in Upper Assam. The Ahom dynasty founded by Sukafa ruled the region for nearly 600 years until the advent of British rule in the early 19th century, making the political alignment of the community important across multiple constituencies.

Interestingly, both the Congress and the BJP have at different points attempted to appropriate the narrative of Assamese nationalism.Analysts see this change as linked to the tenure of the former Chief Minister. Tarun GogoiWho sought to address identity concerns through measures such as updating the National Register of Citizens (NRC). The BJP later enhanced this narrative with its “Jati, Mati, Bheti” campaign and established itself as the leading defender of indigenous identity.This overlap has blurred ideological differences, leaving regional parties struggling to reclaim their original political space.

The rise of the BJP in Assam has been dramatic.From just five seats in 2011, the party reached 60 seats in the 2016 assembly elections, ending the Congress’s 15-year rule under Tarun Gogoi. With the support of allies AGP and BPF, the NDA won 86 out of 126 seats and formed the government with Sarbananda Sonowal as chief minister.This momentum continued in 2021, when the BJP again won 60 seats and retained power, with Himanta Biswa Sarma taking over as the 15th Chief Minister of the state.Now in 2026, the party wants to further strengthen its position.

The 2026 election has turned out to be a crowded field, with 722 candidates contesting in 126 constituencies. Prominent names include Himanta Biswa Sarma, Gaurav Gogoi, Badruddin Ajmal, Assembly Speaker Vishwajit Daimary, Leader of Opposition Debabrata Saikia and senior ministers Ranoj Pegu, Chandramohan Patowary, Atul Bora, Keshab Mahanta, Ajanta Neog and Ashok Singhal.Regional leaders like Akhil Gogoi and Lurinjyoti Gogoi are also prominent contenders.

As Assam enters this crucial election, the contest is not just about who will form the next government.Can BJP convert its dominance into majority alone? Can the Congress with its broad alliance present a credible challenge? And perhaps most importantly, can regional parties regain their relevance in a political landscape dominated by national powers?Despite its current limitations, analysts believe that regional politics is far from over.“The spirit of ‘Assomiya Jatiyotabad’ is very important to the Assamese voters and public. And people understand that only a strong regional voice can protect it,” PTI quoted Brojen Deka as saying.The 2026 Assam Assembly elections are, in many ways, a test of competing narratives. On one side is a powerful national party trying to consolidate its dominance and on the other is a fragmented but committed opposition trying to regain lost ground.And in between is the enduring question of Assamese identity, its meaning, its protectors and its future.