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From Punjab’s stubble fires to Delhi’s uncontrolled emissions and weak enforcement, this is why smog returns every year despite GRAP, court orders and a crackdown on pollution
Delhi’s air quality turns ‘poor’ (PTI)
Every year from October to January, the National Capital Region (NCR) experiences what has now become a familiar environmental emergency. The air became acrid, visibility reduced and Delhi continued to rank among the world’s most polluted cities. While weather conditions are a major factor, the seasonal increase in pollution is largely a man-made crisis based on natural phenomena.
As temperatures fall, wind speed slows and the mixing height of the atmosphere decreases, trapping pollutants closer to the ground. It occurs when multiple emission sources in the area – vehicle exhaust, construction dust, industrial smoke, open burning of garbage, and seasonal stubble fires – combine to form a toxic smog.
The contribution of farm fires is particularly pronounced between mid-October and November in Punjab and Haryana. Remote-sensing data from satellites regularly cited by the Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM) and SAFAR reveals thousands of stubble fires in the north-western plains during this period. In November 2023 alone, more than 36,000 such incidents were recorded in Punjab.
Their smoke travels eastwards into Delhi-NCR, where it mixes with local emissions, leading to days when air quality monitors record “severe” levels in the capital and its suburbs.
What guardrails are in place to deal with the crisis?
In 2017, the government introduced the Graded Response Action Plan or GRAP to ensure a uniform response across NCR states when pollution levels rise. This was later revised under the supervision of the Air Quality Management Commission, a statutory body created in 2021 to coordinate policies in Delhi, Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan.
GRAP prescribes a set of legally binding measures that are automatically triggered when the air quality index crosses specific thresholds. These include restrictions on construction and demolition, a ban on open burning of garbage, and limits on vehicle and industrial activity. In its most severe phase, the plan allows for school closures, a ban on trucks and advice on working from home.
In theory, these frameworks provide a ready mechanism for emergency response. However, implementation in practice remains uneven. Agencies take action only when the air becomes clearly dangerous, and implementation varies widely between districts. Many of the measures under GRAP are reactive rather than preventive, aimed at damage control rather than sustained improvement.
Beyond GRAP, the air quality regime rests on older legal pillars such as the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act 1981 and the Environment Protection Act 1986. Both empower pollution control boards to set emission standards and punish violators. The Supreme Court and the National Green Tribunal have also issued a series of binding directions over the years to effectively fill the gaps in executive action.
Punjab and Haryana’s long struggle against stubble burning
The role of Punjab and Haryana in NCR’s winter haze has been controversial for more than a decade. Both states have banned stubble burning under existing environmental laws, but enforcement has been sporadic. Farmers say the ban is impractical without viable alternatives, as clearing paddy residue manually or with machines takes time and money that small farmers often cannot afford.
In 2022, more than 71,000 fire incidents occurred during the peak crop period in Punjab. In 2023, the numbers dropped slightly but still crossed 50,000. Haryana’s figures were lower but still significant, with around 8,500 stubble fire incidents recorded.
Successive governments in both the states have announced subsidies for equipment such as happy seeders and in-situ straw management equipment. Yet uptake has been limited, and thousands of fire incidents are recorded each year in Punjab alone. District authorities are expected to impose fines or register cases against violators, but little such action is taken on the ground.
The Supreme Court has repeatedly reprimanded both the state governments for administrative apathy. It raises questions as to why field officers fail to take action, why pollution control boards are understaffed and why accountability is low despite clear legal provisions. In a hearing last year, the Court had said Punjab and Haryana cannot continue to “blame the direction of the wind” while Delhi is left in the cold.
Historically, Punjab has maintained that the issue of pollution cannot be separated from its agricultural economy. The move away from rice to less water-intensive crops requires long-term incentives and federal support, which, he argues, has been slow in coming. Haryana has taken a somewhat stricter stance, claiming better compliance, but the difference has rarely been significant when the air turns brown in the NCR.
Delhi’s frequent mistakes and quick solutions
The Delhi government often takes immediate action during the smog season, announcing odd-even traffic restrictions, banning firecrackers and deploying smog guns or sprinklers. In recent years, more than 300 water sprinklers (including tankers) have been deployed on Delhi’s streets to suppress dust, and anti-smog guns have been installed on dozens of government and private buildings. The 2025 air mitigation plan takes this further, aiming for 1,000 sprinklers and 140 anti-smog guns across the city.
Yet, despite these visible measures, Delhi’s baseline emissions remain very high. There are now over 1.5 crore registered vehicles in the city, about 13% of India’s total, and over 7 lakh of these are diesel-powered. Construction activity continues year-round, often without adequate dust prevention. Burning of garbage is common in unauthorized settlements and major landfill sites like Bhalswa and Ghazipur have reported more than 25 fire incidents combined in the last two years.
The capital also struggles with basic enforcement: a 2024 audit revealed that less than 12% of vehicles flagged for pollution violations were actually penalized. Construction restrictions, even if declared under GRAP Phase III or IV, are often ignored after dark. Since most of Delhi’s responses are reactive and symbolic, changes rarely stick beyond a smog season.
Changing stance of the Supreme Court
Few environmental issues have occupied the Supreme Court of India as consistently as the air of Delhi. Since the 1980s, when MC Mehta’s petitions led to the relocation of industries and the conversion of public transport to CNG, the Court has played a central role in taking action that governments were unwilling or unable to take.
In recent years its interventions have become more direct. The court has held several winter hearings, summoning top bureaucrats from Punjab, Haryana and Delhi. In October 2024, it criticized Punjab for failing to register 100 FIRs despite 30,000 fire incidents. It also asked why almost half of the enforcement posts of Punjab Pollution Control Board are vacant.
The bench found that the problem had become one of “habitual negligence” and warned that token fines or advisories would no longer suffice. It sought personal accountability from district magistrates and also hinted at contempt proceedings if orders continue to be ignored.
At the same time, the Court has also acknowledged the limitations of judicial oversight. It has repeatedly said that long-term solutions must come from executive policy, not court monitoring. Its role, as the bench noted during the 2023 hearing, is “to keep the system awake when it wants to sleep.”
Why does the cycle persist despite all interventions?
The persistence of pollution problems in NCR shows how fragmented environmental governance has become. Responsibility is spread across multiple states and dozens of agencies, each operating within its own jurisdiction. Political considerations also weigh heavily: punishing farmers risks unrest in Punjab and Haryana, while curbing construction or traffic in Delhi risks economic and electoral backlash.
The result is a cycle of delayed action and temporary relief. Every year, as the fog clears by February, the urgency diminishes until the next season returns. Even the CAQM, which was intended to ensure inter-state coordination, largely functions as a monitoring and advisory body with limited enforcement power.
Experts have long argued that the sector needs structural reforms rather than emergency controls. This means diversifying crops to reduce stubble waste in Punjab and Haryana, strengthening public transport and electric mobility in Delhi, enforcing emission norms throughout the year and giving financial and administrative autonomy to pollution boards.
Until that happens, the same patterns are likely to repeat: rising AQI charts, short-term restrictions, judicial rebuke, and a return to complacency as the wind changes.
Karishma Jain, Deputy Editor in Chief, News18.com, writes and edits opinion pieces on a wide range of topics including Indian politics and policy, culture and arts, technology and social change. Follow him @kar…read more
Karishma Jain, Deputy Editor in Chief, News18.com, writes and edits opinion pieces on a wide range of topics including Indian politics and policy, culture and arts, technology and social change. Follow him @kar… read more
October 16, 2025, 16:55 IST
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