It was declared in the evening after the Emergency, a small band of socialists was secretly found in a tented coffee house, which now went to the Central Park in Connaught Place. Its purpose was to chart future political action. Rajkumar Jain, then 29 -year -old and an enthusiastic follower of charismatic socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia, was part of that select group.A day earlier, on June 25, 1975, Jain worked as a volunteer at a stormy rally at Ramlila Ground, where Jayaprakash Narayan, while leading the anti-gow movement, told the gathering, “Jail Chalog?” Almost everyone had AF RMED. “I raised both my hands,” remember Jain, who is now a retired Hindi professor from Ramjas College, University of Delhi. Close to 80, he is full of legumes and talks with the curiosity of those days and vividly as an intoxicating romance.‘I broke my bones many times’It was not easy to follow socialists’ plans to do underground work while deciding at the Connaught Place Meeting. The government was intensified to apprehend people in protest against the government. He had already knocked Jain’s Chandni Chowk at home without success.Jain’s family was a dispute by profession and religious by traders. Unexpectedly, he was against his involvement in politics. However, as a teenager, Lohia’s scon was seduced by the idea of democratic socialism.In the 1960s, Jains remember, unlike the old Delhi railway station, Gandhi Park was the desi version of the Hyde Park in London; A place for the freebing conversation on politics, where the partimen of three separate ideologies – Jane Sangh, the original avatar of the BJP; Congress; And socialists will debate the cases of the day.Jains were affected by the progressive status of Lohia over the rights of women, their Chutjapah to contest against PM Nehru for Fulpur LS seat in 1962. He also liked the socialist idea of distribution of money: “Kamne Vala Khaye/ Ruler Jayag/ Naya Zamna AAGA (E. Rukh:” Dr. Lohia’s Arman/ Brahmin-Bhagi A Saman (Dr. Lohia’s wish/ Brahmin and Bhangi are the same) “.In 1966, Jain joined Delhi University as a student and Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP) as a worker. That year, he also became the Vice President of the Students Union. Socialist price increase, police will perform for high-governing, unemployment and sellers, daily bets and workers’ rights. “I broke my bones several times. Going to jail was a regular relationship,” he says irresponsibly.‘You have not been brought under IPC 107 … but under Missa’The jail was again submerged by the police in the DU campus a few days after the implementation of the Emergency. “Someone must have informed the police,” he remembers. He was to spend the next 19 months in imprisonment.During his previous visits to Tihar, political activists became familiar with the authorities. Now, everything had changed. The jailer was in a different mood, abusing the prisoners because they were rolled. “I wish him, but he shouted, ‘Shut up. You have not been brought under IPC 107 or 151, but under Missa.”
Among other things, MISA (Maintenance of Internal Security Act, 1971) empowered the government to keep anyone in preventive prevention. During the Emergency, the dreaded act was released. Many years later, RJD leader Lalu Prasad named his daughter Missa.Jain said, “I don’t care about Missa. Our Ora Ghat is with Indira Gandhi, not you.” The jailer did not take kindness in his own way. “He probably felt that the chaos would be encouraged by giving the response pass. Political prisoners were placed in ward number 2. But Ravinder Manchanda – a fellow socialist who later became of sear on special duty for PM Chandrashekhar – and I ward no. 16, which was for B-class criminals.,“Interestingly, we were Uttar Pradesh CM in a solitary cell, who also met Charan Singh.” I reminded him that he once said that the jails were sent to jail, there were no picnic spots in the jail. He replied, ‘Brother, I only mean for Gundas (thugs). I said, ‘In Indira-G’s Nazar, we are Dono goons, (in the view of Indira-G, we are both thugs.’ He is laughing. For years, I went more and I found her more and found her a supporter and honest politician.,Major prisoners in Tihar included Madan Lal Khurana and Arun Jaitley. Several months later, George Fernandes, Baroda got involved in the dynamite case, also joined him. Jain says, “We will raise slogans of ‘George Fernandes Zindabad’ to promote our morale and tell them that other socialists were also in jail.”He recalled the Jana Sangh-RSS workers by naming their barrack “Swarg Ashram”. Jain said, “We were graduates and our barrack name ‘Sand (Bull)’ Ashram,” said Jain. There was also a ‘barrack of a’ du number ‘, in which Anand Margis, Naxalites and Jamatis, among others. ““Along with other political groups, we were matching socialists on certain issues (compromise) and Takro (deviation) on others,” he reminds.‘The prisoners used an open defecation without cover’For three months, Jain had neither contact with the outside world, nor was there any idea what was happening beyond the prison walls. The prisoners had no access to newspapers or radio. “After three months, we were allowed to meet relatives once a fortnight,” he says.Going to court or hospital was of one type. The occasion was used to meet people, relatives and get news of the world. “But there was an overall atmosphere of terror. The acquaintances were scared to meet us,” Jain says.Serring summer was difficult, and the harsh winters spent with two blankets. The food was prepared by the undertrier. Lentils, bread, rice and vegetables – twice a day, with morning tea – was inactive. But the absence of cleanliness was a problem. Aluminum utensils were immersed in water, rarely washed. “Sometimes, the plate has the remains of the previous food,” he remembers, still surrounded by memory. And there was zero secrecy. The prisoners used an open defecation without cover. “You were visible to everyone around,” they say.The letters, inside and outside, were always sensors. But one of them brought good news. Postgraduate Jain in history and Hindi was on probation as a lecturer when arrested. He says, “I found my Con in jail. RMATION letter.”It was not different to spend time. Panth, Jain says. He was used for prison, although not for such a long period. “I exercise, do yoga, participate in group meetings, interact with other political prisoners. There was also a study circle. I read Gandhiji’s Hind Swaraj, Nehru’s search for India, Lohia’s works, even gone with wind,” Jain misses.“Sometimes, to increase the level of optimism, we will shout slogans like ‘Dum Hai Kitana Daman Mein Tere, Dekh Lia and Jaga Hai Kitana Jail Meen Tere, Dekha and Dekhen. (We have seen your harassment/ We will see how much you can do in jail) ‘. Unlike some cadres from other parties, we were never desperate to leave jail. We used to feel alive, “he says.‘Emergency was over. But people were still afraid ‘More than a year had passed when the authorities shifted the “troublemaker” to Hisar Jail in Haryana. Socialist leader Raj Narayan and later VK Malhotra of Jan Sangh were also in Ambala Jail. “The kingdom was then ruled by Bansi Lal and the conditions were strict,” Jain recalls. He is being carried by others because they all looked the same. “To ensure that this did not happen, I cut my kurta sleeves,” they say.The Samajwadi also has a pleasant memory of the prison: “Sometimes, we will receive a basket of Malta (Sweet Orange) from Goddess Lal’s farmhouse.”Jain has no dramatic memory of his day of release. But he has a clear remembrance of his of RST Post-Prince Public Meeting in Janakpuri, Southwest Delhi. “The Emergency was over. But people were still afraid of getting closer to the day. But after a while they came close and heard closely,” they remember.In 1977, Jain was selected by the Janata Party to the Delhi Metropolitan Council from Chandni Chowk on a ticket, merging the Socialist Party. He taught Hindi in Ramjas till 2011 and now spent time to re -read Lohia in his room apartment in Surajmal Vihar, East Delhi.He remains single and dedicated to democratic socialism. “I still believe in Gandhi, Lohia and Madhu Limay. But politics has now changed,” they say, pointing to the television set, “and therefore the media.”Movies censorship during emergency Homogeneous Clear in January 1975 by the film censor’s board, LM, passed through different times. The general belief was that its heroine had the same Prime Minister’s equality. In July, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting for two months. LM screening suspended. This period ended on 9 September. On 1 October, a notice was issued to its manufacturer (J Om Prakash) to explain why fi LM should not be banned. The notice due to the show was later issued under a wrong section. The notice (then the Union Minister of Information and Broadcasting) was issued on the orders of VC Shukla, which the fi LM demanded the adult franchise to bring the election system in disarray. Subsequently, the manufacturer met the then minister as well as the other senior of the Cers of Cers and said that if fi LM was banned, and the story was offered to restructured, they would lose Rs 40 lakh. The then minister approved the idea on 30 January 1976, and the revised version was eventually approved on 24 March 1976.
Agitation On May 27, 1975, Hindi fi LM was given a clear ‘U’ certificate by the Central Board on the Centries LM sensor. It was also mainly the Classi fi EDBY to the board as educational, as it dealt with the movement of 1942. However, before releasing the fi LM, it was remembered by the Central Government and on November 14, 1976, orders were issued on several rigid cut producers – all these are related to the incidents of revolutionary activity, as it was thought that they would motivate the commission of visual offenses to disturb the public order. (From a white paper on large -scale media misuse during internal emergency, brought by the Government of India in August 1977)
