A Governance is missing from the dominant discussion around the growth and development of the Maoist movement. A vast amount of empirical literature has described the underdevelopment and structural socio-economic issues that followed the rapid growth of the Maoist movement in the 1990s and early 2000s. This is evident from the many official, non-official and scholarly writings that have attempted to study the “root causes” of the insurgency in Central and Eastern India (popularly called the Red Corridor). These articles argue for promoting accelerated development to meet the acute material needs of the poor population, including many vulnerable tribes. As a result of these manifestations, the Indian state is relying on a “two-pronged” approach (combining security and development) to counter the Maoist threat.
This does not mean that other factors such as governance, justice delivery and other issues have been completely ignored in the official discussion. On several occasions, policy makers and official reports have sought to draw attention to creating good governance frameworks and speedy justice redressal mechanisms to address long-standing grievances of the affected population. But little effort has been made to understand the governance challenges that precipitated the Maoist insurgency in different cycles.
highlighting the challenges of governance
While the Maoist insurgency has evolved in various stages since the Naxalbari insurgency (1967), in its current incarnation the movement is primarily centered around the Fifth Schedule areas of central and eastern India – states with substantial tribal populations.
The Fifth Schedule was conceptualized and introduced as a new social contract tribals In these areas, by the Constitution makers, keeping in mind the special needs of the population. The Schedule provided a legal framework and means for the governance of these tribal homelands. It offered special provisions such as a Tribal Advisory Council consisting of three-fourths of the members tribal population and a special financial provision through Tribal Sub-Plan. Furthermore, the Governor of each state was given discretionary powers to monitor the implementation of these provisions, particularly with regard to checking land transfers.
However, despite extensive provisions, the local population continued to face the most serious forms of discrimination and exploitation in everyday life. As recorded in the Planning Commission’s Expert Committee Report (2008), a vast area with abundant natural resources was reduced to poverty due to state neglect and poor governance. That these special provisions were of little use is evident from the persistently low social and economic status of the tribal population compared to other social groups. In 2010 the Oxford University Multidimensional Poverty Index ranked the region worse than sub-Saharan Africa. Yet, for the tribal population, the biggest challenge was how to exercise their rights over land and forests. Despite legal safeguards and constitutional protection against arbitrary land acquisition, millions of them were forced into poverty. In his seminal study, author Walter Fernandes found that “more tribals have lost their land since the beginning of economic liberalization than at any time in post-independence history”.
Thus, while the framers of the Constitution had envisioned a new lease of life tribals Under the Fifth Schedule, successive governments failed to put in place appropriate governance structures to convert this lofty vision into reality. The same colonial structures and administrative forms, rules of trade and justice system were retained for the Scheduled Areas, leaving tribal groups with very low literacy barely able to understand these rules and the modern justice system.
lack of representation
The complete absence of local people in the administrative units implementing the provisions mentioned in the Fifth Schedule further deepened the alienation. BD Sharma, the then Commissioner of the SC/ST Commission, succinctly stated that “Personnel who are overwhelmingly outsiders bring their own attitudes, biases and lived experiences while carrying out day-to-day tasks”. Importantly, a separate Ministry of Tribal Welfare and apex bodies like the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes, created to monitor the implementation of special provisions for the tribal population, did little to prevent exploitation, as the Mungekar Committee (2009) clearly observed.
Furthermore, while Governors are constitutionally appointed to protect the interests of tribals In the Schedule Areas, not a single Governor has served in these areas since independence. These institutions are further handicapped by weak and ineffective service delivery institutions such as health, education, revenue, police and judiciary.
The only exception was the Panchayat Scheduled Areas Expansion Act (PESA), 1996. PESA was enacted to address tribal Under-representation and isolation in the form of “self-governance”. These democratic forums were conceived to create space tribals To make their own decisions on welfare issues, conservation of land, natural resources, livelihoods and culture and their way of life. While PESA made some significant changes by improving political representation at lower levels of governance, key provisions were routinely violated. The Expert Committee Report (2008) found gross violations of PESA by the appointed officials. One of the most misused provisions is regarding land acquisition.
In short, the malpractices of governance and the relatively low political priority given to the Fifth Schedule in many ways created fertile ground for the Maoist leadership to mobilize its victims. tribal Population against the Indian state. The increasing governance deficit directly affected development, welfare works and alleviation of local grievances, providing the Maoists with the opportunity to spread their ideology of people’s government (public governmentThere is a rich body of evidence that unquestionably points to tribal frustration, anger and low trust in governance institutions as reasons why many people have been affected. tribals Supporting Maoist ideology and revolutionary missions. Many relied on the Maoist movement as some kind of means to get justice from state agencies such as the police, forest and revenue departments (which they often viewed as corrupt and repressive). For example, the entire Dandakaranya region was largely underdeveloped and poorly governed, which was easily captured by underground Maoists in the 1990s with the promise of granting ownership. tribals On land and forest (under the broader slogan of). water, forest and landPersistent governance and development deficits created space for the Maoists to run parallel governments (providing vital services such as paramedics, schools, food rations and speedy justice through kangaroo courts) in many of their strongholds.
need a new imagination
Going forward, India should pay close attention to the governance contradictions that plague most sectors under the Fifth Schedule. In recent years, improvements have been visible in key service functions, especially with regard to welfare schemes and critical infrastructure (roads, electricity, telecommunications) in Maoist-affected areas. Both the Center and the affected states have found ways to improve service delivery operations through digital technology and cash transfers. However, critical service delivery institutions such as justice, health, education, policing and revenue remain weak and unsatisfactory. Persistent structural constraints in existing governance systems (under-representation of local people) have a significant impact on their effectiveness.
On the other hand, important rights-based laws like the Forest Rights Act (FRA) and PESA require greater political impetus from the Center as well as the affected states. FRA which remains a key legal tool to protect the rights tribals And forest dwellers need access to forest resources for their sustenance and are today struggling for survival. While many of the core provisions have been violated by state institutions, there have also been amendments and judicial interventions in recent years that have weakened its core mandate and effectiveness. Furthermore, the enactment and extension of the Compensatory Afforestation Fund (CAF) Act, 2016, has also weakened legal safeguards, besides impacting the livelihoods of forest dwellers in India. Similarly, despite initial promises, PESA is facing increasing resistance from concerned states. Under pressure to unlock vast mineral reserves, most state governments in Fifth Schedule areas have reduced the powers given to gram sabhas under PESA, especially on issues of granting consent for mining/land acquisition. Incidentally, the most widespread violation of PESA has taken place in the most Maoist-affected state of Chhattisgarh.
Thus, priorities moving forward should include reversing political and administrative under-representation tribalsWhile there are mandated quotas at the local level, these self-governing bodies lack real autonomy and financial power, with representation remaining largely performative, Permanent bureaucracy (overwhelmingly non-tribal) still takes decisions, Given the persistent alienation and lack of trust among the local population, the Maoist approach to governance of the Fifth Schedule areas may benefit by borrowing some wings from the Sixth Schedule areas which are governed by autonomous districts/regional councils, In short, post-Maoist India needs a new governance charter,
Niranjan Sahu is Senior Fellow, Observer Research Foundation, Delhi.
published – December 17, 2025 08:30 AM IST
