In Tamil Nadu In politics, memory is not just an emotion, it is a currency. And no political memory is more important than the memory of late J Jayalalitha AIADMK The supremo is revered as “Amma”, whose political legacy continues to shape electoral calculations almost a decade after her death.Now former AIADMK chief V.K. Sasikala It is attempting a political comeback through a new organisation, the All India Puratchi Thalaivar Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam, and is presenting itself as the natural heir to the Dravidian legacy. Her claim is based on her experience, her relationship with Amma and the argument that she alone can reclaim political space from the ruling DMK.But will this nostalgia be enough to secure their votes in the upcoming Tamil Nadu elections?
Amma’s legacy
Under Jayalalitha’s leadership, governance became a carefully crafted mix of welfare delivery and emotional politics. Subsidies accounted for more than a third of Tamil Nadu’s revenue expenditure, the backbone of a populist model that resonated deeply with women, rural voters and low-income families.His government was also marked by social interventions that reinforced his “protective leader” image. Tamil Nadu became the first state in India to allow government hospitals to perform medical procedures on transgender people to help them fight infections, a move widely considered progressive in a traditionally conservative political climate.
From subsidized goods to targeted welfare schemes, the administrative machinery of the state often functions as an extension of Amma’s personal brand. That direct connection between leader and beneficiary created an unusually strong emotional voter contract, which still influences political behavior today.It is this legacy that Sasikala is trying to capitalize on not only politically, but also emotionally.
From center of power to political outsider
Sasikala’s political story is inseparable from Jayalalitha’s inner circle. Known as “Chinnamma”, she acted as a powerful arbiter within the AIADMK ecosystem for decades, controlling access to the leadership and influencing cadre-level decisions without holding formal office.After joining the AIADMK in the early 1980s, she gradually became a frequent presence at Jayalalitha’s Poes Garden residence. Over time, she evolved from confidant to gatekeeper and became one of the most influential but informal figures in the party structure.After Jayalalitha’s death in 2016, Sasikala was unanimously promoted as AIADMK general secretary during the leadership vacuum. At the time, the party was founded by MG Ramachandran, and Sasikala’s rise established her as its central authority for some time.His claim then was ambitious: “Amma is no longer with us but our party will rule here for the next 100 years.”But within a few weeks, his political trajectory began to unravel.In the years that followed, the AIADMK transformed from a disciplined party into a fragmented political structure. Competing factions led by EPS and OPS attempted to assert legitimacy, eventually partially merging, but without restoring earlier emotional unity.What was once a tightly controlled cadre machine under Jayalalitha has now become a compromise-based coalition of leaders, where authority is distributed rather than centralized.
The party that once functioned as a single-command structure under Jayalalitha is now working through a negotiated leadership balance, which is organizationally strong, but emotionally weak.Sasikala is trying to take advantage of this fragmentation, but this also limits her reach. The AIADMK’s “two leaves” symbol still commands loyalty among core voters, and organizational continuity remains intact at the booth level, even if internal cohesion is strained.In this sense, Sasikala is not entering a void, she is entering a structure that has already adapted without her.
Can Amma’s emotional capital be transferred?
Sasikala’s current political strategy rests on the same assumption, that Amma’s emotional capital can be transferred to her own leadership project. But the political history of Tamil Nadu tells something else.Jayalalitha’s appeal was highly personal and strictly centralized. His governance created a direct leader-to-voter relationship that bypassed middlemen. Despite her closeness, Sasikala was always a supporter, not the face, of that contract.That gap is now the main challenge to his political resurgence.
AIADMK’s counterattack: ‘Amma oath’ politics returns
Wary of the growing “Sasikala factor”, the all-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam leadership has moved to re-establish Jayalalitha’s monopoly on political memory.Senior leader Edappadi K Palaniswami issued a call to workers ahead of Jayalalitha’s birth anniversary on February 24 and asked them to take a pledge in her name.The workers were instructed to light lamps in their homes at 6 pm, pray to Amma’s “spirit” and swear to protect the party till their last breath. The leadership framed it as a spiritual-political exercise, warning against “enemies and betrayers” attempting to undermine the organization.Although Sasikala was not named explicitly, the political signal was clear – a pre-emptive mobilization against internal and external challengers.The directive comes amid the political churn triggered by Sasikala’s re-entry into Tamil Nadu politics after her release from jail and the re-activation of her nephew. TTV DinakaranIn 2017, AIADMK expelled both of them.
DMK’s integration: Nostalgia rules
At the same time, the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam under the leadership of Chief Minister MK Stalin has strengthened its position through welfare expansion, institutional governance and cadre stability.In contrast to personality-driven mobilization, the DMK’s strategy increasingly relies on plan-based outreach and bureaucratic delivery systems that reduce reliance on emotional recall.Moreover, O Panneerselvam’s entry into the MK Stalin-led DMK camp marks a significant political shift, especially in the battle for J Jayalalitha’s legacy. OPS, once the loyal and symbolic inheritor of his political legacy within the AIADMK, is now aligning himself with Stalin, even seeking the blessings of both Amma and MG Ramachandran for the DMK’s return to power. This move has not only intensified his rivalry with Sasikala. In doing so, OPS is molding itself from an internal dissident to a broader political player, leveraging the emotional weight of Amma’s legacy into a new alliance ahead of the 2026 elections.
Crowded protest: Victory Factors and vote division
The entry of actor-politician Vijay through Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam has further reshaped the battle field.What was once a bipolar contest is now a multipolar arena, with anti-incumbency sentiments scattered among multiple challengers. This fragmentation reduces the chances of any one opposition force converting emotional appeal into electoral dominance.In this environment, even strong emotional narratives risk being diluted into overlapping voter bases rather than consolidated support groups.During the campaign, Sasikala has relied heavily on Jayalalithaa-era symbolism, invoking Amma, making references to MGR, and presenting herself as part of the original Dravidian ideological lineage.His party’s flag incorporates Dravidian symbols, reinforcing continuity with political tradition rather than breaking from it. But political observers note an important difference: symbolism does not automatically translate into cadre mobilization.Jayalalithaa’s rallies were defined by precision, order and a tightly controlled message that turned emotions into electoral machinery. Sasikala’s current political style, though emotionally charged, lacks the same disciplined mass organizing.There are ongoing legal and political setbacks behind Sasikala’s return. Civil suits filed by him and Dhinakaran challenging organizational decisions of the AIADMK are pending. Additionally, state-level actions related to disproportionate assets investigations, including confiscation of properties belonging to his relatives, are casting a shadow over his political rehabilitation.These unresolved disputes ensure that his political comeback is being fought simultaneously in the courts, party structures and the battle of public perception.There is no doubt that Amma’s memories continue to influence the political psyche of Tamil Nadu. This is visible in welfare memory, symbolic politics and emotional memories of all sections of voters.But old memories are not the only vote bank. Converting emotions into seats requires organizational depth, leadership credibility and electoral machinery.For Sasikala, the challenge is not just to invoke Amma’s legacy, but to prove that she can work outside it as well. AIADMK is calling on Amma to save itself. DMK is countering this through governance. And Sasikala is trying to claim it as heritage.
Amidst this is the central question of Tamil Nadu politics today – can memory survive without machinery, and can machinery be rebuilt only through memory?
