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BJP president Nitin Nabin tells Network18 the party will form govt in Bengal, Tamil Nadu and register strong presence in Kerala amid ongoing polls.
BJP President Nitin Nabin In An Exclusive Interview With Network18 MD And Group Editor-In-Chief
The Bharatiya Janata Party is confident of forming its government in West Bengal and Tamil Nadu and shall register its formidable presence in Kerala, Nitin Nabin, the BJP’s youngest-ever national president, said in an exclusive interview with Rahul Joshi, MD and Group Editor-in-Chief of Network18 on Thursday. The remarks came voting was underway across West Bengal’s 152 constituencies in the first of its two-phase election, and across all 234 seats in Tamil Nadu in a single phase.
During the conversation, the BJP chief weighed in on the party’s prospects, the ground reality, and what the results on May 4 could mean for the saffron party’s broader national trajectory. He also looked ahead to Uttar Pradesh and Punjab, both heading to the polls in 2027.
Here is the full transcript of the interview:
STARTS —–
Rahul Joshi: Shri Nitin Nabin, a very heartfelt thanks to you for granting this interview to news18. I’m interviewing you for the first time, and you do not look like the President of the BJP, but rather as a youth leader or youth representative of the party. Could you please tell us how you got to know the news, and what were your reactions and feelings at the moment of receiving the news? What were your feelings at the time, sir?
Nitin Nabin: Well, here’s the thing Mr. Joshi. I’ve been working in the BJP for a long time, in it’s various Sangathans and other party programmes for the last 10 to 15 years, with lots of dedication and hard work and complete motivation for the party and the people. As far as the news of the information reaching me is concerned, it came while we were conducting an event, and I was ecstatic and overjoyed at the news, and this is a huge responsibility, and I was scared as well, if I could fit the shoes of the position and the prestige of the National President. I mean, the level of the position is up there with the PM and I was overjoyed, and shared my feeling with my fellow co-workers and then left to meet the PM and other senior BJP leadership.
Rahul Joshi: This represents a significant generational shift for the Bharatiya Janata Party. You work alongside leaders and ministers who are senior to you, individuals who hold a higher rank or are your seniors in age. So, what advice or tips did the Prime Minister and Amit Bhai offer you?
Nitin Nabin: Well see, here’s the thing. The very first tweet issued by the Prime Minister serves, in my view, as his assessment of me. I consider that tweet to be his roadmap for me, as well as the guiding principle for my future progress. When I met with the Prime Minister, the very first thing he emphasized was the importance of staying healthy. Given the way the Prime Minister himself maintains his fitness, he constantly strives to ensure that his team, too, remains equally fit while performing their duties.
Physical health is essential for effective work, because when the body is fit, the mind remains healthy as well. This, in itself, constitutes the Prime Minister’s primary piece of advice.
Secondly, acting in the capacity of a senior figure and a mentor, he explains that one has stepped into a vast and complex vortex. Its inherent difficulties, challenges, and decision-making processes, there are numerous such aspects that one must come to understand. I feel that there is not a single day when the Prime Minister’s guidance does not prove useful to us; his counsel is invaluable every single day.
Rahul Joshi: The PM also referred to you as the boss to establish you as the Party President, showing that none are above the position of the President. Could you elucidate?
Nitin Nabin: As for the question of using the term ‘Boss’, or an equivalent, this is precisely the beauty of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s organizational structure: the office of the Party President is accorded the highest status. Adhering to this very tradition, every party worker, even if that worker happens to be the Prime Minister himself, views himself as being aligned with and subservient to the dignity of the office of the Party President.
Rahul Joshi: Nitin ji, there have been lots of challenges that have arisen, and challenges will continue to come; and you spoke about these challenges in your first question. At this particular juncture, however, a major challenge has emerged wherein you introduced the Women’s Reservation Bill in the parliament and sought to have it passed, but ultimately, it could not be enacted. Your comments please.
Nitin Nabin: The sense of regret we feel regarding its failure to pass stems from our commitment to the “other half of the population”, the mothers and sisters and the women of this nation. If you look at the tenure of our Honorable Prime Minister, he has consistently emphasized security, dignity, and self-respect, and now is the champion of representation. Thus, following these three major spheres of focus, this presents itself as a monumental opportunity to grant them that representation. However, our sorrow lies in the fact that we were unable to secure that rightful share for the mothers and sisters of this country in a timely manner. Nevertheless, one thing is certain: whenever the Bharatiya Janata Party has made a pledge, and this has been a defining characteristic, and a unique selling point (USP) of Modi ji’s leadership, that at some point ot the other, they have invariably fulfilled it.
It was the collective wish of all of us that, prior to the 2029 elections, we could successfully integrate women into the political sphere with a significant share of representation. After all, if we succeed in bringing such a substantial number of women, who constitute half the population, into the Lok Sabha and the various State Legislative Assemblies, the leadership emerging from ordinary women on such a massive scale will undoubtedly ensure that women’s perspectives are prioritized in the nation’s decision-making processes. However, it is a travesty and a misfortune for the Opposition that they have never harboured a positive mindset, even regarding initiatives that are inherently beneficial. In their relentless opposition to Modi, they have gone to such extremes that they have effectively positioned themselves against half the country’s population, the mothers and sisters and the women of this nation.
Rahul Joshi: Could you shed some light on the timing of this initiative? Why was this particular moment deemed appropriate? It could just as well have been introduced after the elections.
Nitin Nabin: It is quite obvious that we have been preparing for this for the past two or three months. This was not an initiative conceived and introduced on a whim overnight. Furthermore, it was explicitly clear, dating back to when our original bill was passed, that we intended to proceed with this process in 2026, specifically after lifting the freeze on the delimitation of constituencies. And now, that designated time has finally arrived. So, it is my belief that situations often arise where multiple elections coincide. Elections are held in various states, and Parliament continues to function during such times. For instance, the elections in Uttar Pradesh take place during this period.
Does that mean that parliamentary decisions should be put on hold? Consider these very people: how many times did Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi visit Assam or Puducherry for election campaigning? My Prime Minister and my Home Minister are doing no more than that, if anything, perhaps even less. Had they appeared genuinely preoccupied, it would have been understandable; however, it is evident that they merely sought to evade the issue and were unable to engage in a debate on the subject or the agenda at hand.
Rahul Joshi: You mentioned preparations, but the Opposition claims that no consultation or deliberation took place, and that the matter was simply brought forward directly with the intention of rushing it through hastily.
Nitin Nabin: The Opposition should search its own conscience and state whether or not discussions were held with them. However, it is my firm belief that, as the government, our role is to take everyone along; we have always maintained that the Opposition is also an integral part of the government, and working in coordination with them remains, without a doubt, our top priority.
Rahul Joshi: So, your stand is, that discussions were held beforehand with everyone?
Nitin Nabin: Absolutely, there were certainly multiple rounds of discussions held regarding this.
Rahul Joshi: With all the parties? With the Congress? With the Samajwadi Party?
Nitin Nabin: Here’s the thing Mr. Joshi. Regarding the procedural consultations, every effort was made. If their concern was just about claiming credit for it, the Prime Minister himself stated on the floor of the House that we would even issue advertisements in their name, acknowledging that this was achieved through their cooperation. However, they seem to be more focused on opposing Modi rather than on the credit itself of passing such an important bill.
Rahul Joshi: So, the Opposition’s contention is if you intend to grant a 33 percent reservation, then simply grant it, what is the difficulty in that? Provide it within the existing number of seats currently available in Parliament. Why introduce the issues of increasing the number of seats and delimitation into this matter, thereby stalling it?
Nitin Nabin: Since we’re talking about it, let’s talk. Regarding the issue of delimitation, let’s set facts straight. Firstly, the Honorable Home Minister has already addressed this on the floor of the House. Whose creation is this delimitation framework? It is a system devised by *them* (sic: the congress) by the Opposition themselves. Do they not have faith in the very laws they and their predecessors enacted? When they carried out the delimitation exercise during their own tenure, did they perceive any loopholes in the parameters of that law?
If such loopholes existed, why did they not address them at that time? Yet today, when we are poised to move forward based on the very delimitation framework *they* established; had we proceeded today, we would have been granting a greater share of representation to our female population. Had this been implemented today, across all the states of the country, and considering the total exceeds 800 seats, imagine the sheer number of women who would have gained representation through that 33 percent reservation. My point is this: regarding the political games they are playing, who, exactly, would have faced any inconvenience had this proportional representation been established? Furthermore, regarding the ‘North vs. South’ narrative they attempted to exploit – the Prime Minister and the Home Minister addressed this brilliantly on the floor of the House, stating: “Come forward! We are prepared to move amendments to further address your concerns and ensure your satisfaction.” However, they remain unconvinced and unsatisfied.
They are driven by a negative mindset, a mindset that has led them to obstruct the participation of such a vast number of women.
Rahul Joshi: Their argument is that the opposition and Rahul Gandhi keep repeatedly saying that this delimitation process, which will be carried out by a committee comprising the Election Commission and a retired Supreme Court judge, is something they view with suspicion. They fear that the government will somehow manipulate the process and divide the constituencies in a way that benefits them, which is essentially what they mean when they refer to gerrymandering.
Nitin Nabin: My point is this: who made the delimitation law in the first place? We certainly did not make it. It was made during your time in government. And everything that falls within the scope of this law has a complete formula attached to it. Nobody can change it, and the entire matter was going to come before the full house. It has members from an all-party committee. There is a committee in every parliamentary constituency.
There is no formula here that has not existed before. If there are concerns about delimitation, then I ask: why are you questioning a law that you yourselves created?
Rahul Joshi: So what will happen next?
Nitin Nabin: We will move forward. Certainly, let the time come. Once the Census takes place, we will move forward from there as well.
Rahul Joshi: So after this, the Census will take place, and after that delimitation will happen. What will your process be for this?
Nitin Nabin: Obviously we will now have to go ahead with the proper process. We had thought that if it happened in time, we would also deliberate properly on it, give everyone their rightful share in a proper proportionate manner, and ensure that women receive their rights on time.
Rahul Joshi: So if this back and forth continues going forward, then those states which were to be given fifty percent more seats, specifically those states where the population has grown less, will now not be able to get that.
Nitin Nabin: No, we cannot say anything like that right now. After the census takes place, whatever population sizes emerge from it, we will proceed on that proportional basis. But who created this situation? Who created the situation you are talking about? Today when the Home Minister said in the forum of the house that we will settle this right now, they should have welcomed it. I believe that if anyone has wronged the people of the South and denied them their rights, it is Rahul Gandhi and his allies in the DMK who have done it together. If anyone has put the South in trouble today, it is Rahul Gandhi who has done that.
Rahul Joshi: Elections are underway in five states. Four states and Puducherry. I say this since we are sitting in Kolkata, let us discuss this a little. How are you reading the atmosphere? What is your assessment? What will happen in these five states?
Nitin Nabin: Look, the situation in all five states is different, but I believe that this time the conditions are better for the BJP in all the states. In Assam and Puducherry, we will certainly repeat our governments. There is absolutely no doubt about that. As for the remaining three states, West Bengal is going to come up with a surprising result, and I believe that coming out of all the games that TMC and Congress have been playing, the public this time is going to form a BJP government here.
Rahul Joshi: So you are saying the BJP government will be formed in Assam and Puducherry, and you are saying that the government will also be formed in Bengal?
Nitin Nabin: Hundred percent. The way the situation is developing and the mood of the public that is visible, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s government is going to be formed in West Bengal.
Rahul Joshi: Last time too, in 2021, there was an atmosphere that the Bharatiya Janata Party’s government was going to be formed. What is different this time compared to 2021? What is giving you the confidence that this time you will form the government?
Nitin Nabin: Look, even last time we moved forward in such a significant way, increasing our seats from three to seventy seven. Yes. If we maintain that same speed, then this time we are hundred percent forming our government. As far as experience is concerned, the mindset of party workers and the response of the common man that is visible at programmes, road shows and public meetings makes it clear that this time the public is fed up with TMC’s anarchy, their hooliganism, corruption and Bangladeshi infiltration. So all these issues are certainly going against TMC entirely, and the Bharatiya Janata Party has fought on these issues. So we will certainly move forward.
Rahul Joshi: So TMC’s view is that the Bharatiya Janata Party is only contesting on around 150 to 160 seats because in the remaining more than ninety seats, the minority population is dominant, with a vote share of more than forty to fifty percent. So there is no chance of winning there. So are you seeing Hindu vote consolidation this time, at such a level that you will get a majority?
Nitin Nabin: Look, we are contesting on all two hundred and ninety four seats. Yes. Whatever figures they calculate and however they do it, that will be their party’s own strategy. But what we are seeing is that this time, more than Hindu coalition, the people of West Bengal are against Bangladeshi infiltration. Whether you call it Hindu consolidation or the common citizens of West Bengal, whoever has been living here for a long time is certainly against Bangladeshi infiltration. The way Mamata Didi has given protection to this, there is anger, aggression and reaction against it among the general public. And whether you see its manifestation as Hindu coalition or as the support of the common people of West Bengal, the result will be visible.
Rahul Joshi: The TMC alleges that there is a complete institutional capture — that the Election Commission is acting in your favour, and agencies like the CBI and ED are being used to target their supporters. They also claim that since the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), around 90 lakh votes have been deleted. Are you benefiting from this?
Nitin Nabin: Let’s look at the facts. Out of the 90 lakh names removed, around 30 lakh were found to be non-existent. Should such fake or non-existent entries be allowed to vote? The remaining names have been properly scrutinised and categorised.
More importantly, the district administration, which functions under the state government led by Mamata Banerjee, was involved in this process. Election Commission officials operate through district and local administration; they don’t have an independent on-ground machinery of their own.
If the same administrative machinery identified and proposed the removal of such a large number of names, why is there concern now? If objections existed, they could have been formally raised. Why defend names that were found to be invalid?
Rahul Joshi: So are you suggesting that fake votes were being cast in the names of people who did not even exist?
Nitin Nabin: I am saying that the issue being raised is about protecting names that do not exist. That raises a question — why advocate for such entries? The intent becomes clear to any common observer.
Rahul Joshi: They argue that this exercise disproportionately impacts minority voters, and that the objective is to weaken their vote bank.
Nitin Nabin: Illegal infiltrators, including those from Bangladesh, will naturally be identified and removed from the rolls. That is a matter of law. Our responsibility is towards citizens of India, not towards those who are not legally entitled to be here or vote.
Rahul Joshi: Around 27 lakh people have allegedly been disenfranchised. How do you view this, especially when many of them claim to have valid documents, including records dating back to 2002, yet are unable to vote?
Nitin Nabin: You need to look at the entire process. This revision exercise follows a defined timeline in all states. The Election Commission provides multiple stages — draft publication, a window for claims and objections, and then an additional extension period.
If people had filed their claims and objections within that timeframe, these issues could have been addressed. Adequate time was given, around four months in total. Even now, the process allows for verification, and anyone found eligible can be restored to the rolls.
I don’t understand why there is concern if due process has been followed.
Rahul Joshi: So are you suggesting that the situation involving these 27 lakh people is the result of administrative delays by the Mamata Banerjee government?
Nitin Nabin: The process has been completed in other states within the stipulated time. For instance, similar exercises elsewhere were concluded in about two months — conducted in July-August and published by September.
In West Bengal, however, it stretched from December to March. That indicates delays at the administrative level. It implies lack of intent, and a possible hidden agenda. If the process was prolonged, responsibility lies with those managing it locally.
Rahul Joshi: Mamata Banerjee has also raised concerns about the deployment of around 2,50,000 paramilitary personnel in West Bengal, alleging that it affects the fairness of elections.
Nitin Nabin: Any steps required to ensure free and fair elections should be taken. If the Election Commission assesses that deploying full security forces is necessary, then it is the government’s responsibility to provide that support.
Rahul Joshi: Women played a crucial role in the last election. Regardless of the outcome, their participation was significant. Do you think women in West Bengal are no longer supporting Mamata Banerjee? She had schemes like Lakshmi Bhandar, which provides Rs 1,500 — could that still influence women voters, along with minority support?
Nitin Nabin: Across the country, women voters are increasingly supporting the BJP. In West Bengal, the promises made by TMC under the slogan ‘Maa, Mati, Manush’ have not been fulfilled. There is a growing sense of insecurity among women in the state.
Whether in rural or urban areas, many women feel unsafe. During our campaigns, we hear concerns about law and order and allegations of extortion at the local level. There is a perception that while financial assistance is provided through schemes, the money is taken away the next moment by local extortionists. Issues of safety, dignity, and everyday security remain unaddressed.
Additionally, concerns are being raised about illegal infiltration and its impact on local communities, which some believe is contributing to a sense of insecurity among women. Women don’t feel safe in a state ruled by a woman. As a result, there is visible dissatisfaction.
Rahul Joshi: The BJP has also promised Rs 3,000 under its own scheme. Has that message reached the grassroots?
Nitin Nabin: We are taking our ‘Sankalp Patra’ and commitments to the people through multiple outreach efforts, including door-to-door campaigns. The BJP’s approach has been to make promises and deliver on them.
Under the leadership of PM Narendra Modi, we have fulfilled commitments in several states. That track record builds trust. We are confident that women will support us based on that credibility and the assurance that our promises will be implemented.
Rahul Joshi: A direct question on West Bengal — how many seats do you expect to win?
Nitin Nabin: It’s difficult to give an exact seat figure at this stage. However, based on the trends we are observing and the level of public support, we are confident of forming the government with a clear majority.
Rahul Joshi: When you say a clear majority — are you talking about numbers like 150, 160, or 170 seats? Can you give a specific estimate?
Nitin Nabin: No, we are not putting out a final number right now. Voting is still underway, and more clarity will emerge as the process continues. But based on current indications, we believe we will cross the majority mark comfortably.
Rahul Joshi: Let’s talk about Tamil Nadu. What are your expectations from the NDA in the state?
Nitin Nabin: In Tamil Nadu, there is growing public sentiment around issues such as alleged corruption, governance concerns, and what we see as the DMK’s stance on Sanatan traditions.
As part of the NDA, our role there is supportive. The primary contest is being led by our alliance partner, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).
From what we are observing on the ground — and I have personally been there for campaign activities — there is visible public response against the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). Based on that, we believe the DMK could face significant electoral setbacks.
Rahul Joshi: How significant is the ‘Vijay factor’? Who stands to lose from it, and who stands to gain?
Nitin Nabin: It remains to be seen just how much traction the Vijay factor actually generates. In politics, individuals often enter the arena, and carve out a niche for themselves, solely on the strength of their glamour. However, I have always maintained that one must also spend a considerable amount of time on the ‘pitch’ itself. We have frequently witnessed prominent figures make grand entrances into politics; yet, the extent to which they are able to truly sustain their footing at the grassroots level remains a matter of time and observation. While I acknowledge that this certainly marks a beginning for Mr. Vijay, I do not believe it will prove to be a particularly monumental one.
Rahul Joshi: Most polls indicate that the DMK is currently in the lead. Is there any possibility of forming a government in alliance with Vijay in the near future? Could there be any discussion regarding a poll alliance?
Nitin Nabin: We already have an active alliance in place, and all our alliance partners are contesting the elections together. As of today, even considering a post-election context, I do not see any such possibility whatsoever. I am confident that we, as the NDA front, will be able to form the government.
Rahul Joshi: So, there is no question of joining hands with Vijay?
Nitin Nabin: There will be no need for it.
Rahul Joshi: And you will form the government?
Nitin Nabin: We are absolutely confident of that.
Rahul Joshi: How do you view the situation in Assam? The Opposition contends that if your party forms the government in Assam, it will be solely due to the advantages derived from the delimitation exercise. How do you respond to this?
Nitin Nabin: To my colleagues in the Congress party, I would ask: you, too, had the opportunity to implement this delimitation process on multiple occasions; why, then, did you not continue to form the government uninterruptedly? If governments were formed merely on the basis of delimitation and such factors, then your government would never have lost power.
A government is formed by the mandate of the people. It depends on our approach among the masses, what is our outreach? How have we delivered on development? How have we managed law and order? What quality of governance have we provided? It is on these issues that a government is formed.
It depends on how effectively our leadership has performed; these are the factors that determine the outcome. If governments were indeed formed based on delimitation, then those who framed the delimitation laws while sitting in Delhi would still be the ones holding power today.
Rahul Joshi: In the South, the Bharatiya Janata Party is, in a way, still struggling to establish a firm foothold. In Tamil Nadu, you initially projected Annamalai to the forefront, but subsequently, sidelined him. Then, you chose to align with the AIADMK. You’ve lacked the courage to contest independently in Tamil Nadu. It appears that you will have to pay the price for this in the times to come.
Nitin Nabin: Look, we have always upheld the principles of coalition politics; indeed, ever since the era of Atal Bihari Vajpayee ji, we have consistently prioritized our alliances. Even when we commanded a tally of 303 seats, we continued to function as the NDA. Today, even with a count of 240 seats, we maintain our identity as the NDA. We firmly believe that the politics of this nation must be steered through the framework of coalitions, enabling us to carry along people of every mindset. As far as Tamil Nadu is concerned, I hold a very clear stance on the matter.
Political circumstances often vary. Based on strategic considerations, there are bound to be shifting claims and counter-claims. However, the alliance between the AIADMK, the BJP, and our broader NDA coalition is a natural partnership, one that resonates with the public there. It was with this very alliance that we moved forward in the Assembly elections. Annamalai had contested the Lok Sabha elections; this time around, throughout the entire Assembly election campaign, he has remained steadfast in supporting our party’s stance.
At the very least, and being conservative here, he participated in two roadshows alongside me. He was present at the Prime Minister’s events as well; so, in what sense has he been sidelined? If an individual has been given the opportunity to contest a Lok Sabha seat, the party subsequently undertakes the necessary groundwork and planning for every single one of its members.
Rahul Joshi: There was a slight impression that he was sulking or disgruntled.
Nitin Nabin: I maintain that the party has done its homework regarding every single one of its karyakartas (party workers), and when the time is right, the results of that groundwork become evident.
Rahul Joshi: How do you view the situation in Kerala? Who will win? Does the Congress party hold the upper hand, or is it Pinarayi Vijayan?
Nitin Nabin: Consider the manner in which we have been making strides in Kerala, our vote share has surged from 1.5 percent to 20 percent. Until recently, there was a sort of “match-fixing” between the LDF and the UDF, a game that they used to play.
I firmly believe that the BJP has now clearly established its presence in the state, securing a significant share of the vote. Furthermore, this presence signals that the Bharatiya Janata Party is poised to emerge as a formidable force in Kerala in the near future. So, while this game between the LDF and the UDF, this “match-fixing” charade may well continue, we, for our part, are determined to make our presence felt even more strongly and effectively.
Rahul Joshi: Nitin-ji, that covers the discussion regarding the elections currently underway. Let’s now discuss the upcoming challenges, what lies ahead in the near future. Next year, elections are scheduled in as many as seven states. Among these, which state or states do you consider to pose the greatest challenge? How do you view the situation in Uttar Pradesh? This promises to be a pivotal election next year.
Nitin Nabin: Well, in Uttar Pradesh, under the leadership of the Honorable Prime Minister and the Honorable CM Yogi Adityanath, we have made significant strides in the process of transforming the state into an ‘Uttam Pradesh’ (an exemplary state). This is a state that was once notorious for crime, for extortion, and for merely misleading the public in the name of caste politics. Today, however, Uttar Pradesh is recognized for its development. It is known for its expressways, and for its robust law and order situation. Therefore, regarding the fundamental necessities that the common people prioritize, such as good governance, development, and infrastructural growth, Uttar Pradesh is currently performing exceptionally well, ranking among the leading states in the country.
Consequently, the general public casts its vote based on these tangible results. Today, we have demonstrated our commitment to the welfare of the poor, ranging from initiatives like the Pradhan Mantri Anna Yojana to the effective grassroots implementation of various government schemes, while simultaneously delivering on infrastructural growth. We are also attracting large-scale investments into Uttar Pradesh. Furthermore, Yogi-ji’s unique selling proposition (USP), i.e. his emphasis on law and order is clearly evident. I firmly believe that many cities across Uttar Pradesh today stand out as developed, modern urban centers.
All these factors, taken together, are clearly sufficient to ensure that we form our third consecutive government, achieving a veritable ‘hat-trick’ of electoral victories.
Rahul Joshi: In that case, why did you face a setback in 2024?
Nitin Nabin: Well, every election holds and unfolds under its own unique set of circumstances. In that particular instance, there were indeed certain areas where we fell short; we are currently working to address those shortcomings. Nevertheless, whatever the final mandate turned out to be, it ultimately remained in our favor. Yes, it is certainly true that we had some shortcomings, and we are in the process of addressing them.
Rahul Joshi: Punjab is a state where the Bharatiya Janata Party has historically contested every election in alliance with a partner; however, you are yet to carve out a distinct space for yourselves. What will be your strategy in Punjab in the times to come? Is the Aam Aadmi Party currently a strong force in Punjab?
Nitin Nabin: The Aam Aadmi Party will eventually collapse, brought down by its own actions, or rather, its misdeeds. It is certainly true that Punjab has posed a challenge for us in terms of expanding our support base.
However, I firmly believe in the bond we share with the people of Punjab. The Bharatiya Janata Party has stood by Punjab on every platform and at every juncture, even dating back to the era of the Jana Sangh. Although we may have received fewer votes and secured fewer seats during the Jana Sangh era, we have always felt a deep affinity for Punjab’s situation and its ethos. We have consistently stood by its people, and we will continue to do so in the future, even if it entails struggle. Sometimes, it simply takes time to establish oneself firmly on a particularly jagged political terrain.
I am confident that when the elections take place in Punjab, in 2027, the state will witness the BJP in a completely new avatar.
Rahul Joshi: So, will you be contesting alone this time?
Nitin Nabin: One hundred percent, we will contest alone, and you will see us in a brand-new form.
Rahul Joshi: So you are certain that there will be absolutely no alliance or agreement with the Akali Dal or any other entity?
Nitin Nabin: This time we will enter the electoral arena standing on our own feet, relying on the strength of our organization to expand our mass base.
Rahul Joshi: How do you view the party’s position in Uttarakhand? There have been significant challenges over the past year.
Nitin Nabin: Look, every state government faces numerous challenges in managing the specific circumstances of its region. However, we look at our track record; we focus on development; and we observe the growth across all those areas where improvements are needed in the daily lives of the public. I firmly believe that, when viewed through the lens of development, and through the lens of our core USP, which is governance and you’ll see that Uttarakhand stands in a very strong position today.
Thus, we have made significant strides forward, and under the leadership of Pushkar Singh Dhami, we are certain to deliver even better results.
Rahul Joshi: So, in the times to come, will Yogi and Dhami continue to be the faces of the party in UP and Uttarakhand?
Nitin Nabin: Well, they are our Chief Ministers. Since we are governing under their leadership, they will certainly remain the faces of the party.
Rahul Joshi: Let’s talk about Bihar. There appears to be a generational shift, with a relatively young BJP Chief Minister emerging. You come from Bihar, have served as a minister there, and have been a long-time party worker. How do you see this transition?
Nitin Nabin: Bihar has long been a strong base for us, both during the NDA years and within the BJP’s own growth. We have consistently believed in alliance politics.
Even when we were the larger party, we supported Nitish Kumar as the leader and upheld the alliance. That partnership has endured over time.
At a certain point, the Janata Dal (United) took decisions under Nitish Kumar’s leadership, just as we had done earlier. Subsequently, the Bharatiya Janata Party also got the opportunity to lead.
I believe the understanding between these parties will be seen as an example of coalition politics, where both sides honoured alliance commitments whenever they had the chance. There was a time when we had greater numbers, yet we chose to back Nitish Kumar. These decisions reflect that approach.
Today, the BJP and the National Democratic Alliance have together put forward leadership in the form of Samrat Choudhary. We believe this leadership will deliver on the NDA’s commitments for 2025.
Rahul Joshi: There is a view in Bihar that the Janata Dal (United) is facing an existential challenge. The opposition argues that the BJP, being the larger party, will from now install its own Chief Minister and that the JD(U) lacks a long-term leadership plan. How do you respond to this criticism?
Nitin Nabin: Parties that have no identity of their own now are talking about a major party like JD(U). They should look inwards. This perception is not correct. The alliance between the Bharatiya Janata Party and the JD(U) has consistently been based on mutual respect and understanding.
In the past, even when the BJP had greater numbers, we supported Nitish Kumar as the Chief Minister. That demonstrates our commitment to alliance dharma.
Decisions in the NDA are taken collectively. There is no question of undermining a partner. Our focus remains on stability, governance, and fulfilling the commitments made to the people of Bihar.
Rahul Joshi: How do you view the Congress party, and what would you like to say about its leader, Rahul Gandhi? Relations between the two sides appear quite strained. Do you see scope for a more constructive engagement with the Opposition?
Nitin Nabin: As I said earlier, the Opposition is an integral part of a healthy democracy and governance framework. However, for constructive engagement, there needs to be a certain level of maturity.
When you look at Rahul Gandhi’s immature conduct — both inside and outside Parliament — including his language and approach, questions do arise about whether it reflects the seriousness expected from the Leader of the Opposition of a national party. If you compare this with leaders of the past, such as Atal Bihari Vajpayee, or even senior Congress leaders from earlier generations, there was a different standard of conduct.
In my view, he’s an immature politician and lacks political growth. There is still scope for more responsible and mature political engagement, which is essential for strengthening democratic functioning.
Rahul Joshi: But even senior leaders in his party use strong language. For instance, Mallikarjun Kharge recently made remarks about Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Nitin Nabin: That reflects a broader, worsening political culture within the Congress. Over time, we have seen repeated instances of personal or sharp remarks directed at the Prime Minister.
Despite electoral setbacks, there does not seem to be much introspection within the party on this approach. In my view, political discourse should be more issue-based and respectful, rather than focused on personal criticism.
Rahul Joshi: It was great speaking with you, Nitin Ji. From this conversation, it seems like you have hit the ground running — as they say in cricket, you didn’t take much time to settle at the crease and started scoring quickly.
Nitin Nabin: I believe one should give full time and commitment on the political field — not just focus on quick gains, but also on staying grounded and consistent.
Rahul Joshi: Thank you very much for joining us today.
Nitin Nabin: Thank you.
——————————ENDS
April 23, 2026, 13:08 IST
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