Police and rescue officials said the collision sparked a fire that engulfed the bus.
Freight train and bus crash kills at least eight in Bangkok
Vodafone India posts Rs 51,970 crore profit in Q4; promoter group to infuse Rs 4,730 crore
New Delhi: India’s third largest telecom operator Vodafone Idea is finally seeing green shoots. On Saturday, It posted a net profit of Rs 51,970 crore in Q4 FY 26, thanks to a one-time accounting gain from govt’s adjusted gross revenue (AGR) relief — versus a loss of Rs 7,166 crore in same quarter previous fiscal. The same day, promoter Aditya Birla Group committed a capital infusion of Rs 4,730 crore via one of its companies Suryaja Investments Pte Ltd, Singapore.The company’s board has approved the issuance of up to 430 crore warrants, each convertible into an equity share, representing a 3.82% stake, to Suryaja Investments at an issue price of Rs 11 per warrant, according to an exchange filing.“25% of the Warrant Exercise Price shall be payable at the time of subscription of Warrants, and the balance 75% of the Warrant Exercise Price shall be payable by the warrant holder at the time of exercise of the right attached to the warrant to subscribe to equity shares,” the filing said.Last December, govt had frozen Vodafone Idea’s AGR dues at Rs 87,695 crore. Subsequently this April govt cut VI’s AGR dues by Rs 23,600 crore to Rs 64,046 crore after recalculation, deferring the bulk of its payments by 10 years, to be paid from FY36 to FY41.
Tens of thousands march in London in far-right and pro-Palestine protests | Protests News
British capital sees heightened security as right wing rally takes place at the same time as Nakba Day march.
Published On 16 May 2026
Tens of thousands of people are marching through central London in two separate protests – one pro-Palestine demonstration a day after Nakba Day, and the other, a far-right rally staged by Tommy Robinson.
Police in the British capital deployed 4,000 officers, including reinforcements from outside the city, on Saturday and pledged “the most assertive possible use of our powers” in what they called their biggest public order operation in years.
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Armoured vehicles, horses, dogs, drones and helicopters were also deployed to manage the separate protest marches, the UK Metropolitan Police said.
By 1200 GMT, shortly after both marches started, police said they had made 11 arrests for a range of offences. They had earlier forecast turnout of at least 80,000 – about 50,000 at Robinson’s “Unite the Kingdom” march, and 30,000 more expected to go to the Nakba Day rally.
Authorities had imposed various conditions on the two rallies over their routes and timings, in a bid to keep rival attendees apart.
Prosecutors were told to consider whether certain protest placards or chants may amount to offences and stir up aggression during the rallies.
“This is not about restricting free speech,” said the Crown Prosecution Service’s director, Stephen Parkinson. “It is about preventing hate crime and protecting the public, particularly at a time of heightened tensions.”
The police force, which estimates its operation will cost 4.5 million pounds ($6m), warned in a statement that it would adopt “a zero-tolerance approach”. That includes, for the first time, making organisers legally responsible for ensuring invited speakers do not break hate speech laws.
The British government earlier blocked 11 foreign nationals from entering the country for the “Unite the Kingdom” rally. Right-wing figures claiming to have been barred include Polish politician Dominik Tarczynski, Belgian politician Filip Dewinter, Colombian-American anti-Islam commentator Valentina Gomez and Dutch activist Eva Vlaardingerbroek.
On the eve of demonstrations, Prime Minister Keir Starmer warned: “Anyone who sets out to wreak havoc on our streets, to intimidate or threaten anyone … can expect to face the full force of the law.”
Starmer – facing intense pressure within his ruling Labour party to quit after far-right Reform UK scored huge wins in local elections last week – accused the organisers of Saturday’s far-right rally of “peddling hatred and division”.
Last September, far-right activist Robinson – whose real name is Stephen Yaxley-Lennon – drew about 110,000 people into central London for a similar rally proclaiming “national unity, free speech and Christian values”.
X owner Elon Musk addressed that event, which shocked many in the UK for its scale, directness, and clashes between participants and police, which injured dozens of officers.
Meanwhile, the Stand Up to Racism group has combined its antifascism march with the pro-Palestine event to mark Nakba Day, held annually on March 15 to commemorate the 1948 mass expulsion of Palestinians from their land during the establishment of the state of Israel.
The Met said live facial recognition would be used for the first time to police the protests.
Govt imposes curbs on silver imports as Centre tightens grip on bullion inflows
The government has imposed restrictions on silver imports, according to an official order issued on Saturday, as authorities continue efforts to regulate bullion inflows and reduce pressure on the country’s external sector.The latest move comes amid a series of measures announced by the government in recent days to tighten monitoring and control over imports of precious metals.On Friday, the government capped gold imports under the Advance Authorisation (AA) scheme at 100 kilograms and introduced stricter compliance requirements for importers in the gems and jewellery sector through a Directorate General of Foreign Trade (DGFT) notification.“Advance Authorisation (AA) for import of gold shall be issued, subject to a maximum permissible quantity limit of 100 kilograms,” the notification said.The DGFT also tightened norms for first-time applicants.“In case of application for Advance Authorisation by a first-time applicant, a mandatory physical inspection of the applicant’s manufacturing facility shall be undertaken by the concerned regional authority to verify the existence, capacity and operational status of the manufacturing facility,” it said.The government further linked future gold import approvals to export performance requirements.“Any subsequent Advance Authorisation for the import of gold, shall be considered for issuance only upon fulfilment of at least 50% of the export obligation prescribed under the preceding Advance Authorisations for gold,” the notification stated.To strengthen oversight, importers under the Advance Authorisation scheme will now be required to submit fortnightly performance reports certified by an independent chartered accountant detailing import and export activity.The Centre had also recently raised import duties on gold and silver to 15 per cent from 6 per cent and imposed a 3 per cent Integrated Goods and Services Tax (IGST) on bullion imports.The measures are aimed at curbing non-essential imports and reducing pressure on foreign exchange reserves at a time when elevated crude oil prices and global geopolitical uncertainties are affecting the external balance.India’s gold imports rose more than 24 per cent to a record $71.98 billion in 2025-26, although shipment volumes declined 4.76 per cent to 721.03 tonnes.The government had earlier said the tighter framework was intended to ensure better monitoring of imports while maintaining adequate availability for export-oriented sectors such as gems and jewellery.
Warrior, rebel, north star: 90 years of celebrating BR Ambedkar as the abolitionist of caste
They were told in a hundred different ways, and from an early age, that they occupied the lowest place in the order that is both natural and sacred.
They were made to sit separately and on the floor in classrooms, denied water from common utensils, turned away from guesthouses and barred from facilities at tourist sites. They spent years trying to make space for marginalized castes – organizing, petitioning, negotiating – only to see platitudes come and disappear.
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar saw caste as functioning as the architecture of daily life, giving shape to thirst, silence, death.
In 1935, something changed. He was still reeling from the moral pressure of Mahatma Gandhi’s fast unto death, which had caused him to give in and sign the Poona Pact in 1932 (which abolished separate constituencies for “depressed classes” and replaced them with reserved seats within the general electorate).
He was becoming increasingly angry with Hindu society, cynical about the intentions of the so-called reformers and growing disillusioned with the Congress. The spate of temple-entry movements was stopped. Meanwhile, caste reformers were enthusiastically dining with Dalits in token events, leading to no change outside their circle.
Disappointed, the jurists and economists changed their stance. He toured the country to unite the depressed classes, and was even appointed principal of the Government Law College of Bombay. Battling tragedy – his wife Ramabai Ambedkar died in 1935 at the age of 37, and only one of his five children survived – he delved deeply into his mission to liberate his people from the shackles of caste. There were clashes with Gandhiji.
At a conference in Yeola, Nashik in October, Ambedkar told the crowd that he was born a Hindu but would not die even once – a move that made news around the world, evoking waves of both support and condemnation. Among the flood of letters was also a letter from a prominent reformer. If Ambedkar converted, he would cease to exist; His fame, the reformer said, was linked to “untouchability”.
Ambedkar replied, his ability and excellence are the fruits of his labor and intelligence, and hence he will preserve his individuality at any stage. He said, “I would prefer a life without discrimination at any other level if my people prosper in it.”
***
Two months earlier, in August, Dalits in a village in present-day Gujarat had taken four children from their community to the local school.
The Bombay Presidency had cleared the way with a new law and the tense day passed without incident. But the next morning, all the caste Hindu families withdrew their children from the institute. Five days later, one of the Dalit parents was beaten up.
When people of the community went to the district headquarters to lodge complaints, caste Hindus attacked their houses with sticks and spears. Women and elderly people were beaten and warned. A social boycott was announced the next day.
The villagers “refused to employ them as labourers; they refused to sell them food. They refused to give them facilities for grazing their cattle and they carried out stray attacks on untouchable men and women. In their frenzy the upper caste Hindus poured kerosene into the well from which the untouchables were supplied with drinking water,” Ambedkar later wrote.
When Gandhi was informed, he advised the lower caste villagers to leave in protest and sent Vallabhbhai Patel to mediate. Ambedkar became angry and accused Patel of favoring upper caste Hindus and pressuring marginalized people to withdraw their criminal complaints. “The result was that the untouchables had to suffer and their oppressors escaped with the help of Shri Vallabhbhai Patel, a friend of Shri Gandhi,” he wrote.
These atrocities were fresh in his mind when an invitation from the Jat Pat Todak Mandal, a reformist organization headquartered in Lahore, reached his desk in December. Surprised by the message sent to preside over the 1936 annual conference, Ambedkar at first refused, and reiterated his commitment not to lead events organized by caste Hindus. But the persistence of the Mandal, especially its secretary Sant Ram, an ardent reformer with an emphasis on inter-caste food and marriage, convinced him.
By February 1936, Ambedkar’s address was ready, but the program was in crisis.
Mandal was receiving hundreds of letters from supporters and opponents alike, condemning the invitation to Ambedkar, who by then had reiterated several times his intention to renounce Hinduism. With many Arya Samaj leaders and patrons being Gandhiji, the Mandal was now in an uncomfortable position. The members tried, and failed, to obtain the presidential speech and persuade Ambedkar to remove sections criticizing Hinduism. Ambedkar wrote in a letter in April, “I did not expect that your circle would be so upset because I have spoken of the destruction of Hinduism. I thought that these are only fools who are afraid of words.”
As the summer approached, it became clear that the meeting was doomed. Ultimately the Board canceled it completely.
However, by May, Ambedkar had already printed 1,500 copies of his speech, with the intention of handing them out to attendees, as he was invited to do.
Faced with a stack of prints with an address that would never be delivered, he remained undaunted. He marketed copies under the title Annihilation of Caste: An Undelivered Speech.
***
In the ocean of writings left by the great constitutionalist, the slim 50-page volume stands out for its clarity and revolutionary call.
The abolition of caste was carried out through cheap booklets in English and regional translations. They reached homes in the hinterland – parents spend a few rupees on a child’s birthday, rural libraries restock it for young readers, mothers buy gifts for daughters – sparking the imaginations of generations of Indians.
Both an impressive and worrying read for contemporary society, this book makes three important arguments. First, it examined the obstacles facing genuine reform, and criticized those who favored economic growth over social change. He argued that there could be no upliftment without the abolition of caste, because this structure created a society in which large classes were invested in the oppression of others. He said, by doing this the society got divided and India became weak. He wrote, “There is charity, but it begins with caste and ends with caste. There is sympathy, but not for men of other castes.”
Second, the text is deeply connected to ideas of public sentiment and nationalism. He wrote, “Caste has made public opinion impossible. A Hindu’s public is his caste. His responsibility is only towards his caste.” This led to the loss of faith in social morality and justice, which reduced society’s ability to defend itself. Ambedkar argued that there was no use winning Swaraj if it could not be defended – which the machinations of caste had made impossible.
He wrote, “You cannot build anything on the foundation of caste. You cannot build a nation, you cannot build morality.” “Whatever you build on the foundation of caste will break, and will never be whole.”
Third, the text made an important distinction between doctrinal faith and rules derived from scripture. It set out a five-step program for religious reform that focused on freeing the priesthood from caste dogma. “I must not be understood to hold the opinion that there is no necessity of religion. On the contrary, I agree with Burke when he says that ‘True religion is the foundation of society, the basis on which all true civil government rests, and both have their sanction.’ ‘Consequently, when I urge that these ancient rules of life be abolished, I worry that they will be replaced by a religion of doctrines, which alone can claim to be the true religion,’ he wrote.
The book states that the problem was the unquestioning acceptance of scripture. “How will you break down caste, if people are not free to consider whether it conforms to reason or not? How will you break down caste, if people are not free to consider whether it conforms to morality or not? The wall built around caste is impenetrable, and the material of which it is made does not contain any of the flammable ingredients of reason and morality.”
***
Annihilation of caste is many things at once.
It is a rigid, footnoted, tome willing to follow logic into an uncomfortable room. It is a compass, which directs the reader not towards gentrification of caste but towards its eradication. It is a mirror of Hinduism and a prophecy of a republic yet to be born.
It is a love letter to logic and wisdom.
It is a promise to the people of a fundamentally new social compact, which will over time be realized in the Constitution. And beneath it all, it is a deeply personal document of a man who experienced caste not as a cause or source of demographic anxiety but as a plain fact of life.
In the remaining two decades of his life, Ambedkar continued to follow his path. Through the turmoil of politics, division, and the burden of constitution-making, he would continue to search for a new spiritual home for his people. His conflict was first with Gandhi and then with Gandhi’s disciple Jawaharlal Nehru. (Find an edition of Annihilation of Caste that includes letters exchanged between Ambedkar and Gandhi; they are unexpectedly thrilling, full of anger, passion, and biting wit.)
Still, the battle would only be partially won.
Less than two months before his death, Ambedkar converted about 400,000 followers to Buddhism on October 14, 1956. “For a week already… thousands of men, women and children… were pouring into Nagpur every hour… poor people were selling their belongings for transport and for white saris and white shirts, the dress prescribed by their leader… they were as happy as travelers going home,” his biographer Dhananjay Keer later wrote.
However, the new republic would betray some of the trust reposed by Ambedkar.
Despite the constitutional mandate, untouchability continued. The accident of birth nevertheless strengthened the possibility of life. Inter-caste unions are rare, and those brave enough to violate caste restrictions are still hunted down and intimidated, punished, forced to abdicate, or killed.
Dalits are attacked for sitting cross-legged, studying, having a mustache or a motorcycle, creating social-media profiles, riding a horse at their wedding, drinking water, wearing long hair or attempting to choose their own profession.
Such social antagonisms sit uneasily with the political veneration of Ambedkar in an India that has jailed people for repeating his speeches verbatim. Meanwhile, the growth of his followers – Ambedkarites, they call themselves – has created a bizarre spectacle of largesse by leaders who see little value in Dalits beyond their demographic weight.
Yet the abolition of caste burns brightly in the hearts of those for whom it was written.
It remains the north star for Dalits. It provides moral strength to the Republic, giving rise to new struggles for equality, including LGBTQ+ rights. It strengthens the hearts of new generations to know about a man who refused to stop dreaming; Refused to moderate his words, his anger or his determination to bring about change.
As part of his sharp disagreement with caste abolition, Gandhi wrote in Harijan in July 1936: “Ambedkar is not a man who will allow himself to be forgotten.” Gandhi turned out to be right about that in a way he had never intended.
Rescue diver dies during search for bodies of Italians who drowned in Maldives caves
Staff Sgt Mohamed Mahdhee died while diving in the search-and-rescue operation, the Maldives government tells the BBC.
Nirmal Narvekar, Harvard’s $57 billion Indian-American money manager, bows out
Photo credit: Harvard Alumni
TOI correspondent from Washington: Nirmal Narvekar, the Indian-American financier who spent nearly a decade reshaping the investment machinery behind Harvard University’s colossal $57 billion endowment, is preparing to retire, closing one of the most consequential – and controversial – chapters in modern university finance.Known on Wall Street and in Ivy League circles simply as “Narv,” Narvekar reportedly informed Harvard’s governing board that he would step down in 2027 after giving the university time to prepare a succession plan. His departure comes as Harvard’s $57 billion kitty — the largest university fund in the world, 3.5 times larger than India’s central education budget — sits at the centre of a political and financial storm triggered by the Trump administration’s cuts to federal funding.Narvekar’s career drew attention to the extraordinary scale of American university endowments — a concept still relatively underdeveloped in India. Harvard’s $57 billion fund dwarfs the financial resources of most countries’ entire university systems and education budgets. In the US, endowments function as perpetual investment engines. Universities spend only a fraction of annual returns while preserving principal for future generations.India historically developed a very different model. Most public universities depended overwhelmingly on government funding, while private institutions relied on tuition or philanthropic trusts rather than professionally managed investments. Only recently have institutions such as IIT Mumbai, IIT Delhi and Ashoka University begun seriously cultivating alumni-driven endowments. Even so, Indian endowments remain small by American standards and face restrictive investment rules that limit exposure to venture capital and alternative assets.Narvekar’s rise also reflected a broader ascent of Indians into elite American institutions. At one point, Harvard’s ecosystem featured several Indian-origin leaders, including Harvard Business School dean Nitin Nohria and Harvard College dean Rakesh Khurana. Yale’s endowment itself traces back symbolically to colonial India: the university was named after Elihu Yale, the East India Company governor of Madras who donated goods and money to the fledgling institution in the early 18th century.Narvekar arrived at Harvard in 2016 after running Columbia University’s endowment and inheriting what many viewed as a troubled investment empire. Harvard’s investment arm had become notorious for internal dysfunction, weak returns and leadership churn after suffering a devastating 27 percent loss during the 2008 financial crisis, forcing it to sell private-equity stakes at distressed prices. Over the next decade, he transformed the endowment’s structure, moving from managing about 40 per cent of its assets internally to outsourcing roughly 90 per cent to elite hedge funds, venture-capital firms and private-equity managers. He also embraced the so-called “Yale model” pioneered by legendary Yale investor David Swensen, who revolutionized university investing by shifting away from conventional stocks and bonds toward alternative assets like venture capital, hedge funds and real estate.Under Narvekar, Harvard doubled its exposure to private equity and sharply increased hedge-fund investments, gaining access to coveted investments in companies such as SpaceX and Stripe. The strategy eventually paid off. Harvard generated annualized returns of 8.1 per cent over the past three years, outperforming Yale and Princeton and placing it among the best-performing major university endowments in America, some of which are larger than education budgets of most countries.Yet Narvekar’s tenure also attracted fierce criticism, especially from conservative commentators and some Harvard insiders who argued he made the university dangerously dependent on illiquid assets such as hedge funds and private equity. Former Treasury Secretary and ex-Harvard president Lawrence Summers once remarked acidly though that if Harvard had merely matched the performance of its Ivy League peers, the university could have been roughly $20 billion richer. While many finance experts consider such critiques exaggerated, they nevertheless reflected broader anxieties about whether elite American universities have become too dependent on opaque Wall Street-style investing. Narvekar himself remained famously publicity-shy throughout his career. Born into an Indian family and educated at Haverford College before earning an MBA from Wharton School, he built his reputation not as a celebrity investor but as a disciplined institutional allocator.
Stop paying for apps: 5 wireless printers that print directly from your iPhone, Android phone’s camera roll (HT Tech)
A printer is a useful tool to have on hand. From printing your kids’ assignment sheets to the notes from the class you missed last week or even a PDF version of the important presentation coming up next week, keeping a printer at home can not only save time and money but also reduce your stress and hassle of frequent trips to the market. But there is a catch here. Like other devices, not all printers are equally efficient. More importantly, not all printers reduce your stress by allowing you to print the documents you want. Some require a wired connection. Others require a subscription, which can add significantly to your monthly bills. But in 2026, trying to print a simple document shouldn’t feel like a negotiation. Instead, it should be as simple as tapping a button or two. This is where wireless printers come in.
Benefits of using a wireless printer
Multi-Device Connectivity: Wireless printers do not require a dedicated laptop or PC to print documents. You can connect them wirelessly to your smartphone, tablet or laptop to print documents without transferring files to a dedicated PC.
Flexible Placement: Another advantage of using wireless printers is that they can be placed anywhere with an electrical outlet or moved around at will, making them versatile in use.
Reduction in cable clutter: Wireless printers require just one cable – one that connects the printer to a power outlet. They do not require you to connect the source device to the printer, which reduces clutter and creates a clean workplace even at home.
more efficient: Many wireless printer models come with multi-functional features that allow users to scan, print, and copy documents and even set the resolution based on specific needs, making them more efficient and even more versatile than wired models.
We hope that with these details we have answered any remaining questions you may have about purchasing a wireless printer. With that in mind, here is a list of the top mid-budget wireless printers that you can get for your home.
Best wireless printers for Indian homes that print from your phone
This HP Smart Tank ink tank printer is designed for homes and small offices. It has a compact, clean design and a transparent front-facing ink tank that makes it easy to monitor ink levels. It has an all-in-one design, which means it can handle print, scan and copy tasks efficiently. On the connectivity front, it offers Wi-Fi, Bluetooth, and wireless printing via the HP Smart app, which can be used via Android phones and iPhones. These options give users more flexibility when it comes to printing pictures and documents. It is designed for users who want convenience, low operating costs and reliable color performance.
What are buyers saying on Amazon?
Buyers praise the excellent quality of this printer with good value for money and easy installation. They appreciate its user-friendly interface and find it convenient to use. However, its connectivity and performance have received mixed reviews.
Why should you choose this product?
Buyers should choose this printer for its overall product quality and ease of use.
This Epson printer is designed for homes and small offices. It comes with a compact, space-saving design that fits easily on a desk, while the transparent ink tanks on the front make refill monitoring easy. It comes with an all-in-one design, which means that this printer can be used for printing, scanning, and copying tasks. It uses Epson’s heat-free technology and micro piezo printhead to deliver sharp text and vivid colors. These technologies also help improve color consistency and accuracy. On the connectivity front, this printer gets Wi-Fi, Wi-Fi Direct, and the Epson Smart Panel app that allows seamless printing from a smartphone. It is ideal for families, students, and home-office users.
What are buyers saying on Amazon?
Buyers praise this printer for its good quality, easy-to-use with simple ink refilling, and affordable for home use. However, its connectivity and print quality have received mixed reviews.
Why should you choose this product?
Buyers should choose this printer for its overall product quality and ease of use.
This wireless printer from Canon is a practical choice for homes and small offices that need low-cost, high-quality printing. It has a compact design that includes an integrated front ink tank for easy monitoring. It can be used to print, scan, and copy photos and documents, which it does with Canon’s hybrid ink system. It comes with built-in Wi-Fi for hassle-free wireless printing from laptops and smartphones via the Canon Print Inkjet/Selfie app.
What are buyers saying on Amazon?
Buyers feel that the printer offers good value for money and is suitable for both home and small office use. Print quality is excellent, and customers appreciate its ease of use. However, its connectivity has received mixed reviews.
Why should you choose this product?
Buyers should choose this printer for its printing quality, ease of use, and product quality.
This printer from Brother is a compact monochrome laser printer designed for home offices and professionals who need fast, reliable document printing. Its minimalist design and compact footprint make it ideal for small workspaces. Although this is a monochrome printer rather than a color model, Brother’s laser engine ensures crisp text, crisp line clarity, and consistent output quality for business documents. It features built-in dual-band Wi-Fi, Wi-Fi Direct, USB, and automatic duplex printing for added convenience. It supports the Brother Mobile Connect app for seamless smartphone printing without additional subscription.
What are buyers saying on Amazon?
Buyers find the printer’s print quality excellent and reliable, with fast printing speeds and easy installation and use. However, its connectivity has received mixed reviews.
Why should you choose this product?
Buyers should choose this printer for its printing quality, printing speed and product quality.
This printer from HP is a compact monochrome laser all-in-one printer designed for homes and small offices. It features an intuitive control panel and a 40-sheet ADF to improve productivity. It can print, scan, copy and fax documents. It delivers clear graphics using HP’s reliable laser engine. On the connectivity front, it has dual-band Wi-Fi, Wi-Fi Direct, USB, and mobile support via HP Smart App, which in turn simplifies smartphone printing directly without the need for paid apps or subscriptions.
What are buyers saying on Amazon?
Buyers find the printer easy to use. However, its reliability has received mixed reviews.
Why should you choose this product?
Buyers should choose this printer for its ease of use and printing quality.
Top 3 features of wireless printers for Indian homes
Disclaimer: At Hindustan Times, we help you stay updated with the latest trends and products. Hindustan Times has an affiliate partnership, so we may get a share of the revenue when you make a purchase. We will not be liable for any claims under applicable laws including but not limited to the Consumer Protection Act, 2019 in relation to the Products. The products listed in this article are in no particular order of priority.
Ultra-Orthodox conscription dispute pushes Israeli government to brink | Politics News
Israel’s ruling coalition has submitted a call for an early election following continued fractures from government allies over the issue of ultra-Orthodox conscription.
If the vote passes in the Knesset next week, as expected, then a general election will be held within 90 days of its passage – projected for the third week of August; two months before the mandated end of the government’s current term on October 27.
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Ultra-Orthodox parties, which were a key component in the 2022 far-right coalition government, have made the exemption of their constituents from the draft – which almost all Israeli adults are eligible for – a pillar of their political campaigning in recent years.
A crisis began in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government in July 2025, when the ultra-Orthodox parties Shas and United Torah Judaism (UTJ) pulled their support from the coalition unless a bill was passed exempting constituents from the draft.
The parties have continued to back the government on important votes in the Knesset, but now one of UTJ’s factions, led by Degel Hatorah, has demanded the collapse of the government, with the party’s spiritual leader, Rabbi Dov Lando, saying he had finally lost faith in Netanyahu.
“From now on, we will only do what is good for Haredi Judaism and the yeshiva (religious school) world,” the rabbi told his UTJ Knesset members. “We must work to dissolve the Knesset as soon as possible. The concept of a ‘bloc’ no longer exists for us.”
Here’s what we know about ultra-Orthodox military conscription and how the issue could affect Israeli politics.
Is the refusal of Haredi Jews to serve in the military legal?
Ultra-Orthodox men enrolled in full-time religious study have been exempt from military service since the state of Israel was created in 1948.
This was ruled illegal by Israel’s High Court of Justice in 1998, with a series of temporary measures intended to defer Haredi recruitment being repeatedly struck down.
However, as the size of the ultra-Orthodox population has grown – and the Israel military’s need for new recruits amid an expansion of its military campaigns – so too has the pressure to include men in the draft.
In 2024, the Israeli High Court again intervened, ordering the government to finally break the deadlock and begin actively conscripting ultra-Orthodox men.
In response, the military issued tens of thousands of draft notices to Haredi Jews, but compliance has remained minimal. According to testimony presented to the Knesset, only 1,200 ultra-Orthodox recruits have responded to the roughly 24,000 summons issued by the military so far.
Is the ultra-Orthodox’ refusal to serve in the military a moral issue?
The refusal of many in the ultra-Orthodox population to serve in the military is typically grounded in religious belief and the desire to preserve a way of life centred around full-time study of the Torah. They claim that religious study forms the spiritual backbone of Israel, as the military is engaged in wars in the region.
What is the view of non-Haredi Israelis refusing the draft?
Polls show that around four-fifths of Israelis favour conscripting Haredi men, or imposing sanctions on any who refuse the draft. A poll by the Israeli Democracy Institute last year showed an overwhelming 85 percent of Israelis back sanctions on ultra-Orthodox men who refuse to serve, and support ending state benefits to religious students whose families rely on.
The exemption is unpopular with almost all political strands in Israeli society. Opposition leaders Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett, whose joint ticket looks to be the most likely to topple Netanyahu in future elections, have been particularly critical of the policy, promising to end benefits to religious students if they refuse national service and pledging an investigation into why the effective exemption has been allowed to continue.
Why is it important?
After its genocide in Gaza, initiating conflicts in Iran and Lebanon, and occupying parts of Syria over the past two years, the Israeli army is exhausted and in need of new recruits.
Speaking to the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee on Sunday, Israel’s Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir, warned that the current burden on regular and reserve forces was unsustainable.
“I do not deal with political or legislative processes,” Zamir told legislators. “I deal with a multi-front war and defeating the enemy. To keep doing that, the IDF needs more soldiers immediately.”
He told legislators that it was essential that the military ranks grow quickly to continue actions in the region, which has seen thousands of Palestinian and Lebanese civilians killed in years of Israeli military offensives.
The recruitment of ultra-Orthodox men would be critical to sustaining these campaigns, Zamir said, which would likely lead to more civilian deaths and injuries in the region.
“Recruiting Haredim is an existential need for the IDF, not just a matter of sharing the burden and equality,” he said.
Beware of bargains in private credit
To paraphrase Winston Churchill, investing in a business-development company can be like buying loans, wrapped in a fund, inside a stock.
Some investors may be tempted to jump into these publicly traded private-lending vehicles, which have been beset by concerns about the credit risks of borrowers like software companies. Many of these vehicles are currently available at deep discounts to their asset values, sometimes with high dividend yields. Be greedy when others are fearful, they say.
