As usual, numerous events that occurred over 2024 did make an impact on the fortunes of Tamil Nadu. While it is undeniable that several significant events took place during this year, all chronicled in these columns as and when they happened, N. Sai Charan picks out 12 critical events that made headlines and influenced the course of history in the State. They have left their mark, but are also likely to have a long-standing impact on the near, and distant futures

If there was one incident in Tamil Nadu that shook the entire nation in 2024, it was the Kallakurichi hooch tragedy. Several residents, mostly daily-wage labourers of Karunapuram near Kallakurichi town, who consumed methanol-infused hooch bought from a local bootlegger on the night of June 18, complained of breathlessness, abdominal pain, blurred vision, and repeated bouts of diarrhoea. They were admitted to hospitals in Kallakurichi, Villupuram and Salem, and JIPMER in Puducherry. Within a couple of days, nearly 50 persons died. The State government made arrests and took action against officials. It also transferred the Collector, placed a few police officers under suspension, and transferred the probe to the Crime Branch-CID. By July, the death toll touched 68. Based on a batch of writ petitions filed by the Opposition parties, the Madras High Court on November 20 ordered a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe into the tragedy.

Kallakurichi hooch tragedy

Relatives grieving over the deaths of Suresh and his wife Vadivukarasi in the hooch tragedy at Karunapuram in Kallakurichi town.
| Photo Credit:
S.S. Kumar

In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, Tamil Nadu witnessed a four-cornered contest: the INDIA bloc, the AIADMK-led alliance, the NDA, and the Naam Tamilar Katchi were in the game. The INDIA bloc, led by the ruling DMK won all the 39 seats. The lone seat in Puducherry also went to the INDIA bloc. The nominees of the ruling party-led alliance were far ahead of their opponents. By winning in Sriperumbudur, DMK treasurer T.R. Baalu became the second MP to enter the Lower House of Parliament for the seventh time from Tamil Nadu, next to Congress veteran P. Chidambaram. Earlier, the DMK-led alliance, in its previous avatar as the United Progressive Alliance, had swept the Lok Sabha election in 2004. The AIADMK, which hoped to reverse its fortunes after back-to-back setbacks, had lost in Theni too. It had won the seat last time. The BJP drew a blank, but increased its vote share to double-digit without an alliance.

Lok Sabha elections

DMK party Cadres celebrating party leading over their Lok Sabha Elections at Anna Arivalayam in Chennai.
| Photo Credit:
R. Ragu

In July 2024, the State government set up a 23-member ‘One Health and Climate Change Strategic Committee’ to enhance the State’s climate resilience through the One Health approach. It aims to tackle public health challenges linked to climate change, land use, and lifestyle changes, which may trigger diseases affecting both humans and animals. The Health Department’s ‘One Health and Climate Hub’ will establish response mechanisms to mitigate risks associated with zoonotic diseases, and heat and air pollution. Tamil Nadu also declared heatwave a State-specific disaster, enabling those affected by extreme temperatures to get compensation.

One Health

With the temperatures soaring up, college students seen using umbrellas to shield themselves from the scorching sun at Stanley viaduct near Chennai Central station.
| Photo Credit:
B. Jothi Ramalingam

Tamil cinema’s leading hero Vijay on February 2 took the political plunge and announced the formation of his political party Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). Positioning himself against the politics of “corruption” and “divisiveness”, Mr. Vijay declared that his party would enter the fray in the 2026 Assembly election. At its inaugural political conference held at Vikravandi on October 27, Mr. Vijay declared that his party would fight against “sectarian forces ideologically” and “Dravidian model-invoking corrupt forces politically”. He also declared that the TVK was open to sharing power with parties, hinting at such an arrangement in 2026. He claimed that Dravidam and Tamil Nationalism were two eyes of this land.

Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam

Actor Vijay, at the debut public rally of Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam held at Vikravandi in Villupuram District.
| Photo Credit:
S.S. Kumar

The Global Investors Meet (GIM 2024) attracted investment commitments exceeding ₹6.64 lakh crore through 631 Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs). Chief Minister M.K. Stalin announced that these investments were expected to generate 26,90,657 jobs. A majority of investments were planned in the southern region of the State. VinFast, an electric vehicle manufacturer from Vietnam, announced its plans to establish an electric vehicle plant in Thoothukudi, and within a short span of time, the foundation was laid for this project. Later, during the Chief Minister’s trip to the United States, Ford Motor Company, which had wound up its operations in Chennai a few years ago, expressed interest in restarting manufacturing in Tamil Nadu.

Global Investors Meet

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. K. Stalin, Inaugurating new industry project at various district, with Mahindra Group Chairman Anand Mahindra, Minister of State, United Kingdom, Tariq Ahmad, Minister for Industries T.R.B. Rajaa and others at the valedictory ceremony of the Global Investors Meet-2024, at Nandambakkam in Chennai.
| Photo Credit:
B. Velankanni Raj

Cyclone Fengal, the complex and slow-moving cyclone, left a trail of destruction in the State. While cyclones causing heavy rainfall were not uncommon during the Northeast monsoon, Cyclone Fengal’s long life-cycle set it apart. The December cyclone that brought 50 cm rainfall on a single day in many districts, including Krishnagiri, Mayiladuthurai, Kallakurichi, and Villupuram, had wreaked havoc in Puducherry and Tamil Nadu, claiming 12 lives and affecting 14 districts. When it moved inland, the cyclone pummelled several districts along its path, caused flash floods, submerged acres of crops, and displaced thousands of people. Tragedy struck Tiruvannamalai district when seven persons, including children, were killed in a landslide on December 1 following torrential rainfall. The overflow from the South Pennai river that was in spate, and discharge of nearly 1.68 lakh cusecs of floodwater from the Sathanur dam on December 2 led to widespread devastation.

Cyclone Fengal

Vehicles wade through stagnanted rain water at Brindavan Street Extension, West Mambalam due to Fengal cyclone in Chennai.
| Photo Credit:
M. Vedhan

In a much-awaited Cabinet reshuffle, DMK Youth Wing secretary and Minister for Youth Welfare and Sports Development Udhayanidhi Stalin was elevated as Tamil Nadu’s Deputy Chief Minister on September 28. He had entered the Assembly in 2021 for the first time by winning from the Chepauk-Triplicane constituency. He was inducted into the Cabinet in December 2022. Within two days of his release from the Puzhal Central Prison in Chennai on September 26, V. Senthilbalaji, who was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate in a money laundering case in June 2023, was reinstated in the Cabinet. Mr. Senthilbalaji, who was the Minister for Electricity, Prohibition and Excise before his resignation following the arrest, was given the same portfolios.

Udhayanidhi Stalin becomes Deputy Chief Minister

M. K. Stalin, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, giving away a flower bouquet to the newly sworn in Minister Udayanidhi Stalin, Minister for Youth Welfare & Sports Development in Chennai on December 14, 2022. The Tamil Nadu Governor R.N. Ravi looks on.
| Photo Credit:
S.R. Raghunathan

The election to the managing committee of the Chennai Press Club was conducted after a gap of 25 years on December 15. The election witnessed a record voter turnout of 91.27%. The election was last held in 1999. Justice V. Bharathidasan, a retired judge of the Madras High Court, who was appointed as the Election Officer by the 12-member Chennai Press Club Special Guidance Committee that was headed by veteran journalist N. Ram, conducted the election. Earlier, the Madras High Court dismissed two petitions filed against the conduct of the election to the Chennai Press Club.

Chennai Press Club elections

The newly elected office bearers of the managing committee of the Chennai Press Club after receiving their certificates.
| Photo Credit:
B. Jothi Ramalingam

Wearing the uniform of food delivery executives, a gang of unidentified men hacked Bahujan Samaj Party Tamil Nadu president K. Armstrong, 52, to death near his house at Sembium in Chennai on July 5. The murder took place when he was standing near a construction site, close to his house, around 7 p.m. on Venugopalaswamy Street. A gang that came on bikes surrounded and attacked him with knives. Initially, it was presumed to be an act of revenge for the killing of ‘Arcot’ Suresh, said to be a gangster in north Chennai. The police eventually arrested nearly 30 persons linked to what had quickly become a highly politicised murder.

Armstrong murder

Members of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) organisations taking out a March Rally in Chennai on Saturday, seeking justice for Party State president Armstrong Murder Case.
| Photo Credit:
M. Vedhan

In September, workers of Samsung’s manufacturing facility at Sriperumbudur went on strike, pressing a slew of demands, including recognition of Samsung India Workers’ Union (SIWU), affiliated to the Centre of Indian Trade Unions. While workers raised various economic demands such as an incremental increase in their salaries over the next two years, at the heart of their protest was the demand for the recognition of SIWU. The government organised several rounds of conciliation meetings led by Ministers. Finally, On October 15, the Labour Department announced that the strike ended after successful negotiations between the workers and the management. Samsung workers returned to work on October 17, ending a 38-day strike.

Samsung workers’ strike

Samsung India factory workers staging continuous strike 25th day at Sunguvarchatram in near Kancheepuram.
| Photo Credit:
B. Velankanni Raj

More than 15 lakh people from various parts of Chennai and surrounding districts thronged the shores of the Marina and its neighbourhood on October 6 to witness the air show of the Indian Air Force (IAF), which was conducted as part of the 92nd Indian Air Force Day celebrations. The city, which hosted the IAF air show after a gap of 21 years, witnessed a scintillating display of fighter jets, helicopters, and vintage aircraft, which enthralled the audience. However, lack of careful preparations led to the loss of five lives. The deaths were attributed to heatstroke. Several persons reportedly fainted because of dehydration and struggled to reach hospitals owing to a surge in spectators who rushed to come out of the Marina as soon as the air show ended.

IAF airshow deaths

Crowds gather at the Marina Beach in Chennai to watch the airshow rehearsal , ahead of the 92nd Indian Air Force Day celebrations to be held on October 6, 2024.
| Photo Credit:
R. Ragu

Row over tungsten mining

A cross section of villagers in Madurai district objected to the proposed tungsten mining project at Nayakkarpatti in the Melur block. The issue escalated after the Union Ministry of Mines granted tungsten mining rights to Hindustan Zinc Limited through an auction on November 7. Several villages fall under the Nayakkarpatti tungsten block which also include Arittapatti, a notified biodiversity heritage site famous for archaeological monuments. The State Assembly, on December 9, adopted a resolution urging the Centre to immediately cancel the tungsten mining rights. On December 24, the Ministry of Mines requested the Geological Survey of India to re-examine the block and explore the possibility of redefining the boundaries by excluding the biodiversity heritage site.

Is India’s political economy ready for a low-carbon transition? Due to the climate crisis, India is now being hit by frequent extreme weather, causing loss of lives, livelihoods and economic output ranging from crops to infrastructure. At the same time, the energy transition is increasingly visible – from rising sales of electric vehicles to new plans for solar energy deployment to announcements of green hydrogen and, more recently, green steel. However, the transition to net-zero industries, cities, states, and economies calls for an economic transformation. To sustain this multi-decade marathon, India needs domestic consensus across economy, society and politics.

Extreme weather events are classified for disaster management purposes rather than as a requirement for economic resilience. Repeated shocks – droughts, floods, cyclones – escalate in two ways. One, their frequency and intensity are increasing. Two, they are affecting the same areas, creating multi-threat vulnerabilities. Indian states will face fiscal limitations in responding to recurring shocks. Disaster risk reduction (not just disaster management) is now an imperative. Climate risk is a macroeconomic risk. It will cause social disruption, force migration of internally displaced people, and test the resilience of vulnerable communities and the adaptive and fiscal capacity of the state, especially local administrations.

All risks have costs and the question is who will bear them. Politicians respond to what their constituents want, and Indians are accustomed to protections ranging from low-cost electricity or water to low-cost carbon or natural capital. It is possible that what is good for the planet may also be good for people. But India’s political economy must be able to manage the disruptions that are inevitable in any transition. Can the macroeconomics of political patronage (increasing fiscal constraints) also be environmentally sustainable (by directing public finances towards green alternatives)? Conversely, can environmentally sustainable infrastructure and investment be both economically rational (renewables and energy storage are now cheaper than coal-fired power) as well as politically “sellable”?

Part of the answer will lie in economic feasibility. But the delivered price of electricity, clean public transportation or treated water also depends on other factors, such as who gets the cross-subsidy and who bears the burden. Four paths can be explored to align economics, environment and politics.

First, green livelihood. A “green economy” paradigm extends far beyond energy and may include the bioeconomy, nature-based solutions, and the circular economy. India should identify opportunities across multiple value chains. Not all regions will attract investment in large-scale manufacturing of cleantech products. Instead, new value chains can support more evenly distributed jobs, livelihoods and investment. In a state like Odisha, bio-economy sectors such as seaweed farming, mangrove management or bio-based packaging are more labour-intensive and can attract substantial investment. In 2021, 8,600 million cubic meters of treated wastewater was available, which could have irrigated an area nine times the size of Delhi and generated revenue of $12 billion. The list extends to recycling plastic e-waste, waste from construction and demolition, or batteries.

Second, taxes and subsidies. The low-carbon transition will not succeed unless externalities are taxed and subsidies are repurposed. Both are full of political minefields. As economist As reported a few months ago, there is a conundrum for politicians: Indian voters expect support from the government in terms of cash and food welfare schemes, yet this is insufficient to garner votes as they seek more investment in infrastructure. And also expect better delivery of education and health. Services. For sustainable growth, India’s central and state governments will have to work within limited fiscal space (the state fiscal deficit for FY2015 is likely to be 3.2% of state GDP).

One way is to price and tax externalities such as carbon emissions or water pollution, but in a way that those with larger environmental footprints pay progressively higher rates. With a limited direct tax base, other indirect taxes may have to be reduced to reduce inflationary pressures.

Furthermore, subsidy targeting should be the mantra to optimize budget room and efficient use of natural resources. To reverse the politics of subsidies, costs must be distributed, and benefits must be local and visible. Many plans with positive potential environmental benefits fail because the adverse effect becomes dominant. Take air pollution for example. When pollution abatement measures are implemented, polluting industries or farmers who burn stubble feel the pinch directly, but the broader public health benefits for a healthy and productive workforce are dissipated. More immediate and targeted benefits – such as better public transport for poor workers living in remote suburban areas, cleaner and cheaper fuel for cooking and small industrial clusters or revised agricultural procurement policies – may yield more immediate political benefits.

Third, resource security. India imported coal worth $49 billion, oil worth $132.4 billion and natural gas worth $7.7 billion in FY 2024. Overall, this accounted for ~28% of India’s total merchandise imports. Resource security is an integral part of national security. A transition to clean energy could reduce import bills, and that would be good for the economy and security. If benefits increase with greater indigenization of cleantech components in which India has a comparative advantage.

Building a circular economy reduces the import of virgin minerals and materials. A recent study by CEEW, RMI and WRI India found that systematic recycling of solar panels could meet 20% of the global solar photovoltaic industry’s demand for aluminium, copper, glass and silicon between 2040 and 2050, and battery recycling Less raw material can be produced. Procurement costs will be reduced by 25% to 30% and dependence on critical minerals will be reduced by 15% to 20%. Rajasthan, Gujarat, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu will account for two-thirds of the 340 kilotonnes of solar waste generated by 2030. They have the opportunity to build substantial mineral-recycling and reprocessing industries.

Fourth, differentiated leadership. India (rightly) supports climate justice by demanding differentiated climate action based on historical responsibility. Also, its domestic policies have helped create large markets for clean energy and (now) electric mobility and (in the future) green hydrogen, green steel, etc. India has taken this home story to the world by co-creating the International Solar Alliance, the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure or launching the recently announced Global Biofuels Alliance.

India can articulate its unique approach to the energy transition. It has provided energy access to millions of people (through electrification and clean cooking schemes) while creating a vast clean energy infrastructure. These multiple changes are not sequential (as is the case in advanced economies) nor can they be easily controlled. Instead, they relied on competitive markets, targeted subsidies, and new institutions. These lessons are relevant to other energy-deprived economies, especially in sub-Saharan Africa.

There is also more scope to tell an evolving sub-national story. Several state governments are exploring their own net-zero pathways (Bihar, Gujarat, Odisha, Tamil Nadu) or have updated their state action plans for climate change (Maharashtra). With their different levels of development, there is scope for different leadership even within countries. Some states may aggressively emphasize clean heavy industry, other states may emphasize EV manufacturing and still others may emphasize sustainable agriculture. Differentiated leadership is more authentic, bottom-up, and can offer greater political returns from low-carbon development when strategies are localised, and communities see benefits closer to home.

Change is never straightforward and never unopposed. Managing change requires leadership. We often make the mistake of assuming that the political will for low-carbon and sustainable economic growth will emerge externally. That may be a desirable fantasy. To make this more possible, we must highlight the economic and political returns from new sources of livelihoods, more targeted public expenditure, resource security and opportunities to attract investment and demonstrate leadership at multiple levels. In short, the kind of change that can be supported.

Arunabha Ghosh is the CEO of the Energy, Environment and Water Council. Views expressed are personal