In an era when it is both fashionable and intellectually convenient to publish articles on geopolitics, major power competition and permanent wars, veteran diplomat Gurjit Singh’s latest book, aptly titled durian flavorAn in-depth insightful review of India-ASEAN relations in a rapidly changing global order.
Singh is a rare member of his tribe who has expertise in both ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and African Union, India’s two major geographical regions. His professional experience, including Japan and Germany, infuses his work with a unique perspective on ASEAN, a complex region at the center of emerging dynamics in the Indo-Pacific. His book has been endorsed by eminent leaders of South-East Asia, a testament to the academic rigor and visionary character of its content, particularly on translating India’s deep historical engagement into strong contemporary trade and investment relations. Like the fruit of the same name, Durian Flavor JThis highlights the sweet aroma of untapped potential along with the stench of poor performance in India-ASEAN relations in the past, which the Modi government is now actively addressing.
This book presents a comprehensive overview of India’s civilizational ties with Southeast Asia and the active transformation of the Look East Policy (LEP) into the Act East Policy (AEP) after 2014. Ironically, neither the LEP nor India’s AEP has publicly excluded China; Yet the nature of China’s rise, particularly the growing shadow of its economic and military power in the region, has framed India-ASEAN relations as well as other regional relations as balancing acts. Over the years, as ASEAN has expanded, it has added new members, the newest member of which is Timor-Leste. The author carefully outlines the changing character of ASEAN with the entry of Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia (CLMV countries), which enjoy deep ties with India, despite their greater economic and ideological engagement with China. The author has rightly said that one of his major challenges as a diplomat was to see the ASEAN countries beyond the socio-cultural framework of India’s common heritage. Ramayana And Mahabharata.
As this author has personally experienced, of the two external influences prevalent in ASEAN, the Indic clearly dominates the Sinic in civilizational terms. A visit to the National Museum in Jakarta shows how much space is devoted to the Indian connection. However, as soon as one goes out onto the streets, China’s contemporary involvement in trade, investment, infrastructure and connectivity becomes more apparent.
As the author points out later in the book, it is the pragmatism of ASEAN member states towards engagement with China, often characterized by deep interdependence, that influences their positions on issues such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the still pending draft Code of Conduct, the Indo-Pacific as well as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue.
Singh believes that despite India’s close engagement with ASEAN as a dialogue partner since 1996 under the ASEAN Plus One format, it does not match the advantages of the regionally integrated architecture that binds together China, Japan and the Republic of Korea as economic partners under the ASEAN Plus Three format. Indeed, some of the obstacles to deepening India-ASEAN cooperation under the “Development Partners” framework are attributable to the weaknesses in intra-ASEAN decision-making and the often fragmented consensus. Singapore and Indonesia, in particular, have consistently supported closer ties between ASEAN and India.
The book reflects the interrelationships between India’s evolving AEP (Act East Policy), the beginning of a new era in India-Japan relations (which this reviewer had the privilege of serving as Ambassador to Japan during a crucial phase between 2015-2018), and the expansion of India-Africa engagement. The broader proposal here and later in the book is that India-ASEAN relations would benefit from trilateral cooperation with European partners such as Japan or Germany, who are stakeholders in peace, prosperity and development in the Indo-Pacific. Interestingly, despite economic dependence on China and China’s well-known preference for the “Asia-Pacific”, ASEAN member states continue to highlight the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) as a way to enhance their strategic position.
The author explores ARF (ASEAN Regional Forum), EAS (East Asia Summit), BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation), MGC (Mekong-Ganga Cooperation), and even IORA (Indian Ocean Rim Association) and FIPIC (Forum for India-Pacific Islands Cooperation) to assess the potential to leverage India’s participation in regional forums to deepen India-ASEAN relations. The participation of the four ASEAN member states in IORA highlights the joint importance of the eastern and western parts of the Indian Ocean. The author also says that India’s engagement with ASEAN through the Act East Policy has compensated for its exclusion from APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation).
Considerable space is devoted to the defense and security dynamics of a region grappling with China’s economic rise, expansion of military power, and coercive actions propagating irrational claims in the South China Sea. The author explores possibilities for closer partnerships ranging from humanitarian assistance and disaster relief and regular naval exercises to the sale of defense platforms (by India) – such as the BrahMos deal with the Philippines; And now also with Vietnam and Indonesia. The limiting factor limiting ASEAN’s options is that the ARF and ADMM-Plus (ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting Plus) are ministerial constructs. Another limiting factor is that US policies and the level of participation in apex structures such as the EAS have not been consistent.
Gurjit Singh’s book offers a perceptive assessment of the complex and detailed account of India’s negotiations with ASEAN for agreements in goods and services and makes useful suggestions for further improvements. He takes the discerning reader through the maze of issues guiding India’s position during the RCEP (regional comprehensive economic partnership) negotiations, and justifies the decision to walk away from an agreement that directly or indirectly supports China’s access to regional markets, including India. The author suggests that India is not able to counter China’s highly competitive presence in ASEAN and hence, it will have to adopt new paths to achieve success. Apart from the unfulfilled potential of the economic partnership, Gurjit Singh also laments the lack of engagement in science and technology, joint research and educational opportunities, while tourism has flourished both ways and India has done much to assist in the restoration of cultural monuments across the region, including Angkor Wat in Cambodia. Similarly, there is untapped potential in films, sports, gaming, renewable energy, healthcare and physical connectivity. The author also draws attention to the unfulfilled promise of academic and student exchange programmes.
Singh’s book is not without light moments. He narrates an incident when he was nominated to represent India at the launch of RCEP. His wearing of a light blue turban led many to mistake him for Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, a fellow Sikh who favored wearing this colour.
Rich with data and surveys, the book points to a growing sense of trust and acceptance among ASEAN countries regarding India’s influence in the region, which contrasts with the changing and often deteriorating perceptions about China’s tactics that lean toward dominance.
Overall, the author is very optimistic about India-ASEAN relations in the changing global order. He sees India’s strengthening partnerships with the US, Japan, Australia and the Republic of Korea as positive drivers that support this relationship. In fact, he believes that a greater partnership between the Quad (the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, a diplomatic and security partnership that includes India, the United States, Japan and Australia) and ASEAN could help fundamentally reshape regional security perceptions. He says that, thanks to India’s balancing role, the Quad has abandoned a purely defense and security orientation in favor of pursuing its image as a developmental partner.
Ultimately, to engage ASEAN and enjoy the famous durian, India needs to take the relationship out of the museums and onto the streets. The many concrete outcomes of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Indonesia augur well for India’s deeper engagement with Indonesia, a very important stake in the emerging architecture of the Indo-Pacific.
Sujan Chinoy is a former ambassador to Japan, Manohar Parrikar is the director general of the Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses; The views expressed are personal.
