With the process of filing nominations starting in about 10 days, the political theater of Tamil Nadu is all set to witness another show of lively, even sharp performances from various actors. In view of reports of Gen Z voters feeling neglected by the established political forces – the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), the show this time may be different from the previous shows in some ways. Will the presence of Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK), headed by popular actor Vijay, create disruption, and at what level?
To date, the DMK and AIADMK-led alliances – the Secular Progressive Alliance (SPA) and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) respectively – are yet to finalize the seat-sharing process. DMK, which has entered into an electoral pact with Congress (for 28 seats); Communist Party of India (CPI – five seats); Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (four seats); And the Indian Union Muslim League, Manithaneya Makkal Katchi and Kongunadu Makkal Desiya Katchi (two seats each) are yet to tie up with CPI (Marxist), Viduthalai Chiruthigal Katchi (VCK), Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) and Makkal Needhi Maiyam (MNM). Apart from this, there are other small parties in the DMK camp. A key feature of the seat allocation process being carried out by the ruling party is that except for the Congress, the share of other parties has been cut, an aspect which has not been liked by the allies. Yet, the allies who have compromised with the Dravidian chief have done so because they do not want to rock the boat in their political battle with the NDA, especially the BJP. Meanwhile, DMK is conducting interviews with ticket contenders. Former Chief Minister and AIADMK coordinator O. Panneerselvam and his son, former Theni MP P. Ravindranath, who joined the DMK last month, are among the contenders.
Flaws in DMK alliance
Until seat-sharing talks began about a month ago, the SPA was the picture of unity. In the last five years, all major movements organized by the DMK against the BJP-led rule at the Center witnessed enthusiastic participation of the alliance’s constituents. But, in the last month or so, mistakes came to light as the DMK floated the idea of giving up one or two of its seats to allies with the aim of accommodating parties like MNM and DMDK, both of which were in other formations, during the 2021 assembly elections.
TVK’s offer of a share in power, made by Mr Vijay at the party’s inaugural convention at Vikravandi, about 150 km south of Chennai, was too attractive for the Congress to resist, as the national party had lost power in the state nearly 60 years ago. Ultimately, due to the Congress high command’s realization of the futility of going with the recent entrant and the steadfastness of the DMK leadership, the alliance between the two survived the test. The National Party got three more seats than in the previous assembly elections. Besides, it was also given a place in the Rajya Sabha. CPI(M) and VCK, DMK’s allies for nearly 10 years, are demanding a higher share than in the past, and there are reportedly delays in finalizing the seat-sharing process.
As far as the AIADMK-led NDA is concerned, it has been almost a year since the Dravidian chief and the BJP announced the revival of their ties. Both had contested the 2024 Lok Sabha elections on their own on their respective fronts, but the final results – all 39 constituencies went in favor of the SPA – forced the two to come together again. In these months, there have been several dramatic turns, such as the TTV Dhinakaran-led Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK)’s exit from the NDA in September 2025 and, four months later, its “homecoming”. Mr Panneerselvam, another open supporter of the BJP, found himself in an awkward position as AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K. Palaniswami had refused to give him space. He did what he would not have imagined even 10 years ago – joining the DMK, AIADMK’s traditional rival. Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), BJP’s ally in the 2024 elections, is headed by founder S. The party has faced division with the separation of Ramadoss and his son and former Union minister Anbumani Ramadoss. Dr. Anbumani is now a constituent of NDA. Other parties including Tamil Maanila Congress (Moopanar) are expected to be included in the NDA.
Front leader Mr Palaniswami held two rounds of discussions with Union Home Minister Amit Shah in New Delhi in the last few weeks, apart from talks with Union Minister and BJP in-charge for Tamil Nadu Piyush Goyal. Since Mr Palaniswami himself is involved in the process, he probably did not bother to form committees, including seat sharing, till March 15, the day the Election Commission announced the election schedule for the State.
In contrast, the DMK’s panel for seat sharing started its work on February 22. Even though Mr Palaniswami has been saying that there is “complete understanding” within his front and there will be no problem in resolving issues related to seat allocation and identification, the revamped NDA has not done much in projecting itself as a united force. It missed several opportunities over the past year to embarrass the DMK regime by mobilizing its workers to highlight several issues of public importance. On March 17 itself, NDA had organized a statewide protest against the DMK government for the first time.
Ever since the AIADMK renewed its ties with the BJP following the death of former chief minister Jayalalitha in December 2016, its rivals have been criticizing the organization for “giving up its position” to the national party. The discussion got a new lease of life after the AIADMK mended its differences with the BJP in April 2025. The DMK has been quick to take a dig at its long-time rival by interpreting Mr Palaniswami’s visit to New Delhi as a “political fight between Tamil Nadu and Delhi”, which was what Chief Minister and DMK chief MK Stalin said. English professor Thanga Jayaraman, who was a student-leader of the Congress in the 1960s, believes that the Dravidian chief, by projecting the usual binaries of “North versus South” and “Hindi versus Tamil”, is presenting himself as a “warrior of Tamil land, race, language and culture”. However, AIADMK deputy general secretary and former minister KP Munusamy says his party has a “long history” of handling national parties. He recalls how the AIADMK under Jayalalithaa “helped” the BJP win some Lok Sabha constituencies for the first time in the state during 1998. “Therefore, no one will be able to swallow anyone,” he insists.
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While the AIADMK is focusing on the “deteriorating” law and order situation, “lack of protection” for women and the “inability” of the DMK regime to provide assistance to those “struggling with the impact of inflation”, the ruling party is banking on factors such as the efficacy of welfare measures and the “enabling environment” for the high rate of economic growth over the past few years. DMK’s newly elected Rajya Sabha MP Constantine Raveendran says beyond the mathematics of alliances, there is a trend in several other states where incumbent governments have been re-elected. Using the popular narrative against the AIADMK, TVK chief, Mr Vijay, is going after the DMK and trying to take a larger share of the anti-DMK space. He is campaigning on the theme that the election fight is between him and DMK. In a way, his strategy was similar to that of former BJP state president K. Annamalai looks to repeat what she did during 2022-24. Some election analysts say that TVK will perform much better in Chennai, surrounding areas and parts of the Cauvery delta than in other parts of the state. This should be seen from the perspective that where AIADMK is weak, TVK will be strong. “Basically, Mr Vijay’s support base goes far beyond his fans,” says P Vijay, a Gobichettipalayam-based information technology professional. According to his supporters, the TVK founder’s political image has not suffered any damage despite the Karur stampede, his public comments on the divorce proceedings initiated by his wife and his talk of being receptive to an alliance with the BJP, which he has been calling his “ideological rival”. However, it is also true that a section of his fans have become upset with the recent developments. Despite such adverse reaction, the newly formed party has decided to contest the elections alone and has announced that it will field candidates on all 234 seats.
Apart from these three players, there is a fourth player in 16-year-old Nam Tamilar Katchi (NTK), which is led by actor-director Seeman. Known for effective expression of ideas, Mr. Seeman has not formed an alliance with any other party in these 10 years of electoral politics. She has set an example by giving 50% party tickets to women in the Assembly and Lok Sabha elections. This time, he has done an unusual thing – giving tickets to six Brahmins, a community long considered a political liability. The remaining political space may be occupied by some more players, such as the alliance formed by the All India Purachithalaivar Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam led by former AIADMK interim general secretary VK Sasikala and the PMK faction led by senior Dr Ramadoss. Despite some attractive features from TVK and other smaller players, only the two major structures remain dominant forces, at least in this election.
