New Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu C. Joseph Vijay He was one of the biggest stars of Tamil cinema, who dominated Kollywood for almost 30 years. After appearing as a child artiste in Vetri in 1984, he made his debut as a lead actor in his father SA Chandrasekhar’s Nalaya Theerpu in 1992. In a career spanning over three decades, he played lead roles in 68 films, and became the highest paid actor in Tamil cinema. His 69th movie Jan Naygan Yet to be released.

tamilnadu swearing in ceremony live updates

Mr Vijay, who has been elected from Perambur and Tiruchi EastEntering the assembly for the first time. In February 2024, he converted his fan association-cum-social service organization – Vijay Makkal Iyakkam – into a political party. Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam. The 51-year-old actor-politician had discontinued his Bachelor of Science course at Loyola College, Chennai in 1992 to pursue a film career. Apart from acting, he serves as correspondent of Vijay Vidyashram and managing director and trustee of several trusts.

Nine ministers took oath along with him on Sunday (May 10, 2026). Who are these ministers?

N Anand

N. Anand, also known as ‘Bassi’ N. known as joyTamilaga Vetri is the general secretary of the Kazhagam and the second in command after party president C. Joseph Vijay. Before playing an important political role in TVK, he led Sri Vijay’s fan club and social service organization – Vijay Makkal Iyakkam.

Mr. Anand, who has been elected from T. Nagar Assembly constituency of Chennai, has the distinction of being elected to legislative bodies in two different States/Union Territories. He was first elected to the Puducherry Legislative Assembly in 2006 from Busi constituency, from where he earned his popular respect. He was selected as the candidate of Puducherry Munnatra Congress.

A native of Puducherry, the 62-year-old leader studied till class nine in the Union Territory before entering public life. Over the years, he emerged as Mr. Vijay’s closest aide, playing a key organizational role in candidate selection in TVK.

KA Sengottaiyan

KA Sengottaiyan, one of the senior most MLAs of the Tamil Nadu Assembly, is the chief coordinator of the high-level committee of the Tamil Nadu Vetri Kazhagam. A 10-time MLA, Mr. Sengottaiyan was first elected to the Assembly from Sathyamangalam in 1977 as an AIADMK candidate.

Barring the 1996 and 2001 elections, the 78-year-old leader has consistently won from the Gobichettipalayam assembly constituency in Erode district since 1980. This is the first time he has been selected as a TVK candidate. A prominent AIADMK leader for decades, he worked closely with former Chief Minister J. Also served as campaign manager of Jayalalithaa and was part of her first cabinet between 1991 and 1996. In 2011, he briefly served again in Ms Jayalalitha’s cabinet before being dropped, and later in 2017 in Edappadi K. Became the Minister of School Education in the government led by Palaniswami.

Before joining TVK in November 2025, Mr. Sengottaiyan had made efforts to re-unite the AIADMK, although the efforts did not succeed.

wonderful arjun

Aadhav Arjun, elected from Villivakkam Assembly constituency of Chennai, is entering the Assembly for the first time. A sports administrator and political consultant, he serves as the General Secretary (Election Campaign Management) of Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam.

Before joining TVK in January 2025, the 43-year-old leader had played a key role as a political advisor to the DMK. He later joined the Viduthalai Chiruthigal Katchi led by Thol. Thirumavalavan and became the Deputy General Secretary of the party. While in VCK, he had raised the demand for power sharing, which had created a controversy and he was suspended from the party. He then parted ways to join Sri Vijay.

Mr Arjun, son-in-law of lottery tycoon Santiago Martin, also runs political consultancy firm Voice of Commons. Apart from politics, he has been active in sports administration and currently serves as the President of the Basketball Federation of India and Tamil Nadu Basketball Association. He is also the General Secretary of Tamil Nadu Olympic Association. He holds a bachelor’s degree in political science from Madras Christian College.

KG Arunraj

KG Arunraj, a vocal leader of Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam, is from Salem and has been elected to the Tamil Nadu Assembly from Tiruchengode constituency. Dr. Arunraj, a former Indian Revenue Service officer, currently serves as the General Secretary (Policy and Publicity) of TVK.

The 46-year-old leader has an MBBS degree from Madras Medical College. Before joining the Indian Revenue Service and serving in various capacities in the Income Tax Department, Dr. Arunraj worked as a doctor in a primary health center in Dharmapuri district.

CTR Nirmalkumar

CTR Nirmalkumar, elected from Thirupparankundram Assembly constituency in Madurai, is the joint general secretary of Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam and one of the key spokespersons of the party. He is entering the assembly for the first time.

Before joining TVK in January 2025, 44-year-old Gad served as the state president of the information technology and social media wing of Tamil Nadu BJP till March 2023. He later joined the AIADMK, where he served as the joint secretary of the information technology and social media wing of the party.

Hailing from Usilampatti in Madurai district, Mr. Nirmalkumar’s educational background spans engineering, law and social sciences. He has a bachelor’s degree in engineering, LLB. degree, and master’s degrees in criminology and police administration.

A. Rajmohan

A., elected from Egmore (SC) assembly constituency of Chennai. Rajmohan is entering the assembly for the first time. A popular YouTuber, he started his career in the digital sphere by lending his voice to social issues and gradually gained recognition through appearances on several YouTube and television channels as a show host.

The 39-year-old is widely known for his Tamil oratory skills and public speaking. Hailing from Pallavaram, Mr. Rajmohan received higher education in management and journalism. He holds a Diploma in Business Management from IIT Madras and a Bachelor’s degree in Journalism from Madurai Kamaraj University.

P. Venkataramanan

P. Venkataramanan, elected from Mylapore assembly constituency in Chennai, is the treasurer of Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK). He is one of the two candidates from the Brahmin community elected to the 17th Tamil Nadu Assembly.

A lawyer by profession, the 48-year-old leader has an educational background in commerce, business administration and law. He holds a Master of Commerce degree from Annamalai University, a Master of Business Administration degree from Periyar University and an LLM degree. Degree from Annamalai University.

tk prabhu

TK Prabhu, who comes from a politically connected family, has been elected from Karaikudi assembly constituency for the first time. A dentist by profession, Dr. Prabhu is also active on social media and has built a public profile through his outreach activities.

The 41-year-old leader, who hails from Devakottai, has several qualifications in dental science, including advanced degrees and fellowships from institutions abroad.

S. kirtan

One of the youngest MLAs in the 17th Tamil Nadu Assembly, 29-year-old S. Keertan has become a first-time MLA from Sivakasi in Virudhunagar district. Ms. Keerthana holds a bachelor’s degree in Mathematics from Madurai Kamaraj University and a master’s degree in Statistics from Pondicherry Central University. He is fluent in Tamil, Telugu, Hindi and English.

Last Updated:May 10, 2026, 12:57 IST

Vijay made one thing very clear on Day One: this government does not want to look like the past

For decades, Tamil Nadu’s chief ministers arrived in power wearing the familiar ‘political uniform’ of the state — white veshti, white shirt, and the unmistakable symbolism of Dravidian politics.

But on Sunday morning at Chennai’s Jawaharlal Nehru Indoor Stadium, C. Joseph Vijay chose a very different image. Black trousers. Crisp white shirt tucked in neatly. A blazer. No veshti. No attempt to resemble the DMK or the AIADMK.

Even before he spoke, Vijay was sending out a message: this was not meant to look like politics as Tamil Nadu had always known it. It felt less like a traditional swearing-in ceremony and more like the launch of a new political era — polished, media-conscious and designed for a younger generation that consumes politics through television clips, Instagram reels and viral moments.

The symbolism did not end with the outfit. Traditionally, Tamil Nadu leaders complete the oath-taking ceremony and quietly exit after the constitutional formalities. Vijay did the opposite. He stayed back and addressed the gathering directly. Then came another carefully choreographed moment — he signed official government files on stage, in full public view, cameras zooming in from every angle.

It was governance being packaged as spectacle. A visual statement aimed at television audiences and social media timelines where optics often travel faster than policy.

And Vijay’s message was blunt. “There are no parallel power centres in TVK. I am the only head,” he declared. It was a line clearly aimed at shutting down speculation about shadow advisors, hidden camps or unelected influencers within the party. Tamil Nadu politics has long been shaped by factional battles, succession struggles and inner circles. Vijay seemed determined to establish authority from the very first hour.

But the speech was not only about power. There was also emotion — something Vijay understands perhaps better than any contemporary politician in the state. He repeatedly spoke about inclusivity, stressing that the government would belong equally to Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Then came the line that drew some of the loudest applause inside the stadium: “Whether you are my friends or my enemies, all 8 crore people are my people.”

It was classic Vijay — cinematic, emotional and universal enough to resonate across political divides.

At several points, he also positioned himself as someone who had suffered before reaching this stage. He spoke about humiliation, criticism and obstacles during his political journey. “I faced insults, many problems… despite everything, people stood with me,” he said. It was an attempt to transform attacks into political legitimacy — a formula many successful regional leaders in India have used before.

At the same time, Vijay also appeared conscious of the enormous expectations surrounding him. He asked the public for patience, admitting that governance takes time to stabilise. But even while asking for breathing room, he moved quickly to project action.

On stage itself, he signed orders announcing 200 units of free electricity, a special anti-drug task force and another dedicated women’s protection force. The sequence was deliberate: emotion first, executive action next.

Women’s safety and drug control clearly emerged as central themes of the new government. Both issues resonate strongly with urban middle-class families, young voters and parents. The anti-drug campaign especially has been one of TVK’s strongest political messages over the last year, framed almost as a moral fight for Tamil Nadu’s future.

Vijay is also expected to directly oversee policing, intelligence and internal security — a sign that the new Chief Minister wants tight control during the uncertain early months of his administration.

And surrounding him is an unusually mixed political ecosystem — loyalists, technocrats, digital strategists, professionals and veterans from rival parties.

TEAM VIJAY A MIX OF YOUTH, EXPERIENCE

At the centre of that circle stands N. Anand, better known as Bussy Anand — arguably Vijay’s closest political confidant. Long before TVK became a full-fledged political party, Anand was helping convert Vijay’s fan clubs into booth-level organisational networks. A former MLA from Puducherry’s Bussy constituency, he became the bridge between fandom and political machinery. Emotional visuals of him breaking down during the TVK flag launch only strengthened his image as Vijay’s fiercely loyal lieutenant.

His rise also reveals something important about Vijay’s style of politics: loyalty matters more than ideological pedigree.

Then comes Aadhav Arjuna, perhaps one of the most intriguing figures in the broader TVK ecosystem. Over six feet tall and a former national-level basketball player, he carries a very different political personality from the traditional Tamil Nadu strongman. Educated in political science, experienced in campaign consulting and connected across multiple political circles, Arjuna represents the growing professionalisation of Indian politics.

He has moved through several political ecosystems — DMK, VCK and now TVK — carrying with him expertise in strategy, narrative-building and campaign management. He is also believed to have played a role years ago in introducing political consultant Prashant Kishor to the DMK setup before relations later soured.

Another face drawing attention is Keerthana, the 29-year-old first-time minister who defeated senior DMK leader Rajendra Balaji. Fluent in eight languages and coming from a political consulting background, she became one of TVK’s most recognisable young campaigners. She also faced heavy trolling online for speaking fluent Hindi — a sensitive issue in Tamil Nadu politics — but instead of retreating, she leaned into the criticism and emerged even more visible politically.

Her rise signals something larger: TVK is consciously rewarding communication skills, youth and technocratic competence instead of relying only on seniority.

Then there is P. Venkataramanan from Mylapore, whose induction carries historical significance. His appointment is being discussed because a Brahmin leader has entered the Tamil Nadu cabinet after nearly seven decades. A chartered accountant and advocate, he represents the urban professional face of TVK and suggests the party has managed to attract sections of upper-middle-class voters frustrated with the old Dravidian binaries.

On the other side of the spectrum stands KA Sengottaiyan — the veteran presence inside an otherwise youthful ecosystem. A nine-time MLA and former AIADMK heavyweight, Sengottaiyan brings decades of administrative and political experience. Even after switching parties, he retained his personal hold over Gobichettipalayam, showing that his support base goes beyond party symbols.

For Vijay, Sengottaiyan offers something invaluable: institutional memory and grassroots understanding.

The policy brain of the party, meanwhile, is widely seen to be KG Arun Raj — doctor, former IRS officer and one of the architects of TVK’s manifesto. Fluent in English television debates and comfortable with policy language, Arun Raj became one of the party’s most visible intellectual faces. Ironically, attacks from rivals only increased his public profile.

And then comes the digital machinery — a major reason behind TVK’s explosive rise among younger voters.

Rajmohan, the former YouTuber behind “Tamil Vanakkam,” helped shape TVK’s online communication style through humour, memes and simplified political language. Alongside him operated C. T. R. Nirmal Kumar, who many believe built the party’s aggressive online ecosystem. Having earlier worked in BJP and AIADMK digital networks, he understood algorithm-driven politics better than most traditional politicians.

Together, they helped TVK dominate social media through decentralised meme pages, WhatsApp chains and rapid-response online narratives.

But the celebrations and visuals of Day One may soon collide with the hard realities of governance.

Because Tamil Nadu has seen actor-politicians before. And every successful cinematic rise eventually faces the same question: can charisma become administration?

VIJAY’S CHALLENGES: CROWN OF THORNS?

The biggest challenge ahead for Vijay is political stability. TVK may be the single largest force, but it still depends on allies like Congress, Left parties and the VCK. Tamil Nadu historically prefers dominant single-party structures, not fragile coalition management. Every cabinet decision, every legislative negotiation and every seat-sharing discussion could become a source of friction.

Then comes governance itself. Running a state is very different from running a campaign. Bureaucracy, fiscal management, crisis response and administrative discipline require a different temperament altogether. Many analysts believe voters backed “Vijay the symbol” more than TVK the organisation.

That becomes especially important because TVK still lacks the deep institutional machinery that parties like the DMK and AIADMK built over decades. Much of the party structure is young, inexperienced and still evolving. Vijay now has to build a functioning governance ecosystem while also ensuring rival camps do not emerge internally.

And waiting outside is a powerful opposition.

M. K. Stalin and the DMK may have lost power, but their networks remain deeply entrenched across Tamil Nadu’s political and administrative landscape. Every mistake by the new government will be amplified aggressively.

The AIADMK, despite its weakened state, still retains influence in several rural pockets and caste belts. Rumours of factional manoeuvring and political poaching are already circulating.

The economic situation may prove even tougher. Tamil Nadu already carries massive welfare commitments and fiscal pressures. At the same time, young voters expect jobs, rapid development and visible change. But governance moves far slower than cinema narratives.

And perhaps Vijay’s most difficult challenge will be managing expectations from his own supporters.

His fanbase expects transformation at cinematic speed — corruption disappearing overnight, instant justice and dramatic administrative change. But real governments move slowly. If the gap between cinematic imagination and bureaucratic reality becomes too large, disappointment could arrive quickly.

Then there is the Centre-State relationship. Vijay campaigned aggressively against the BJP on issues like NEET, language politics and federal rights. That means tensions with New Delhi could become inevitable. Even the friction during government formation hinted that Raj Bhavan may become an important battleground in the months ahead.

Law and order is another early test. Political transitions in Tamil Nadu have historically triggered clashes, defections and aggressive cadre mobilisation. For a first-time administration led by relatively inexperienced political managers, maintaining stability will be critical.

And finally comes the larger ideological question: what exactly does TVK stand for beyond anti-establishment energy?

Opposition politics and governance politics are not the same thing. Eventually, Vijay will have to define a clear economic, social and political direction for the state. Without that clarity, sustaining momentum becomes difficult.

Taken together, Vijay’s first day as Chief Minister revealed something bigger than a normal change in government. This is not purely cinema politics. Nor is it traditional Dravidian mobilisation. It is a hybrid experiment — fan-club energy mixed with digital warfare, corporate-style branding mixed with emotional populism, young professionals standing alongside old political veterans.

Even the black trousers and blazer mattered.

Because in Tamil Nadu, symbolism has always mattered.

And through his clothing, his speech, his public signing ceremony and the team standing around him, Vijay made one thing very clear on Day One: this government does not want to look like the past.

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Police and administration are responsible for that. If there was any flaw in my management, then how did Hyderabad, Mumbai and Delhi run smoothly with the same team? In those cities, governments and police followed the accreditation system, and the show went on smoothly. Even in Delhi, despite the presence of high-profile people, no one outside the approved list was allowed on the ground. Four days before the incident, I personally went to the DG office along with Bidhannagar CP and ADG Law and Order and clearly explained how sensitive the incident was. He assured me that everything would be handled properly.

We held 16 to 20 meetings, took every permission and documented everything. But when things went wrong I became the victim and scapegoat. Messi got upset when someone came inside to take a selfie and even pushed Rodrigo de Paul. Their managers kept asking how people who were not part of the show flow were entering the grounds. Messi had insurance coverage of about one billion dollars. Imagine if something had happened to him on the field, it would have become a national embarrassment. That’s why Messi’s team decided that they couldn’t continue because they didn’t like claustrophobic situations where people crowded around them.

This was a complete failure of the police and administration. They formed a special investigation team, but interrogated only me. I told him that everything is already visible in the public domain and is being telecast live. Why was the Sports Minister never questioned? Why were the bureaucrats who entered the field not interrogated? That’s why I say the investigation was not fair. How can the police investigate their own associates? Bidhannagar CP and DG were show-caused, yet the same CP was part of the investigation team.

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