Just outside the two-platform Parbhani railway station in Maharashtra’s Marathwada region flutters the Indian national flag mounted on a pole. Beyond the tea shops selling misal pav and hotels catering to travellers, in front of an Art Deco building, is a statue of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who headed the drafting committee of the Constitution of India. Behind the statue are more symbols of the Indian republic: a replica of the Ashoka Chakra that forms the central symbol of the national flag, and the Ashoka Pillar, the original erected in Sarnath, Uttar Pradesh, where Buddha gave his first sermon. In front is the Constitution, now covered in a blue cloth, the colour of Ambedkar’s Scheduled Castes Federation of India flag. From the statue, the Doctor Line market begins, extending about 3 km up to Gandhi Park.

Dilip Ragade, 55, who runs a newspaper stand next to the statue, recalls a scuffle between a man and an autorickshaw driver between 4 p.m. and 5 p.m. on December 10. “At first, I thought he had pulled something out of the autorickshaw and thrown it on the road. Later, I realised that it was the replica of the Constitution. The autorickshaw driver had confronted the man,” he says. Soon, a crowd of about 200 people gathered and the man was thrashed, say witnesses. People ran towards the market spreading the word, and shops began to shut.

The police, the District Collector, and Ambedkarite leaders showed up and took the badly injured man to hospital, says Ragade. The man was arrested and the police told people that he was mentally ill and had not done the damage on purpose. Ambedkarites, however, were not convinced. They blocked the Nandigram Express for at least 30 minutes. Additional Superintendent of Police (ASP) Yashwant Kale says the train left Parbhani station only after the Government Railway Police dispersed the crowd.

A hoarding seen to pay tribute to Dr. B.R. Ambedkar on his death anniversary (6th December) at Bhim Nagar, Parbhani.
| Photo Credit:
Vijay Soneji

The next day, following protests by Ambedkarites, there was stone pelting and arson, followed by a crackdown by the Parbhani police. Somnath Suryavanshi, 35, who had come from Pune for his law entrance examination, was allegedly picked up from where he was staying. He died in judicial custody a few days later.

Ambedkarites claim people not from their community joined the protests so the blame for the violence would fall on them. They say the “police brutality” was a reflection of how Dalits are treated in society.

Protests of different kinds

Earlier in the day on December 10, Hindu Sakal Samaj, a right-wing outfit, had taken out a morcha (march) condemning the atrocities against Hindus in Bangladesh, which has a prominent border with India. It took place a few metres from the Ambedkar statue where the statue of 17th-century Maratha king Chhatrapati Shivaji, a symbol of Maratha pride, is located. There was not much movement in the city during the morcha, say the residents of Parbhani. Ambedkarites claim several people delivered provocative speeches. This right-wing event combined with the desecration of the Constitution’s replica angered Dalits, many of whom are Ambedkar’s followers. Around 8 p.m. that night, the administration organised a shanti samiti baithak (peaceful meeting). Here, Ambedkarite leaders said they would carry out a protest at five locations in Parbhani the next day. They would also submit a letter to the Collector putting forth their demands, which included charging the man and his ‘accomplices’ under the stringent Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, and making him undergo a polygraph test to find out the ‘mastermind’ behind the act of vandalism. That night, the city went to sleep peacefully.

The following day, Ambedkarite organisations called for a bandh. These included the Republican Sena led by a grandson of Ambedkar; the Republican Party of India (A) led by Union Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment Ramdas Athawale; and the Buddhist Society of India, founded by Ambedkar himself, who had converted to Buddhism.

A view from a glass window that was damaged during the riots that erupted on December 11.
| Photo Credit:
Vijay Soneji

Ambedkarite groups began protests across the city around 8 a.m. People gathered in groups ranging from 200 to 1,000. Seven groups peacefully submitted the charter of demands to the Collector. The police say the eighth group got disruptive, forcing its way into the Collector’s office. Soon, they say, violence erupted in the market, about 600 metres from the office. There was stone pelting and arson, followed by the firing of tear gas shells, say witnesses.

A city unsettled

Ambedkarites say the police reacted violently. A 32-year-old demonstrator says, “The police first stopped us from reaching out to the Collector. That is why we agitated and some of us got on top of the police van to raise slogans. Now, they are looking for me everywhere.” She has been in hiding after a video featuring her protesting went viral. Infuriated, she says, “We agitated for something that has given us a dignified life.” She says a few men wearing masks and holding lathis had joined the protesters. “The people of Ambedkar Basti did not have these when they left.”

Eight FIRs were registered, over 200 people booked, and 50 arrested, including minor girls from Dalit bastis (neighbourhoods) in Parbhani such as Gautam Nagar, Priyadarshini Nagar, Rahul Nagar, and Bhim Nagar. The police booked people on charges of rioting, assault on public servants, promoting enmity, and damaging public property. “Two police vans, two four-wheelers, 18 two-wheelers, and hundreds of shops were damaged. Nine police personnel were injured. Five women were released a day after detention,” says the ASP. “So far, 27 people have been arrested,” he says.

On December 11, orders were issued under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, preventing the assembly of five or more people. Social activists and locals have criticised the administration for taking a whole day to do this. “The State Reserve Police Force (SRPF) unit was stationed a few kilometres from here in Hingoli, yet the police did not act,” says a 49-year-old retailer in the area. The SRPF was deployed the next day after 2 p.m.

Women in Bhimnagar gather at community temple in Parbhani on December 14.
| Photo Credit:
Vijay Soneji

Vijay Wakode, an Ambedkarite leader, who died of a heart attack while protesting against the death of Somnath, had said the protest was peaceful until 1 p.m. “Then things went haywire and we cancelled the rally scheduled to be held after the protest,” he had said, adding that people not part of the Ambedkar movement got mixed in the crowd, making Ambedkarite organisations the scapegoat “to malign us”.

During the Maharashtra Assembly’s winter session in Nagpur, the Opposition slammed the Mahayuti government over “poor law and order” in the State. In response, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis said, “The government will never do anything against the Constitution and the insult of it will not be tolerated.”

Meanwhile, newly appointed Minister and MLA from Jintur in Parbhani Meghana Bordikar told mediapersons that “Suryawanshi’s death was due to a heart attack”. She also defended the police, saying, “They arrested the accused immediately.”

A market on edge

One of the shops that was damaged belonged to Kapil Chonde, 25. As news of the violence spread, he quickly bundled up sweaters, caps, and dark glasses that lay on his makeshift platform under a tarpaulin tied between an electric pole and bamboo struts. On seeing the mob rush in his direction, he sought safety in a pucca shop, but a lot of his goods were burnt. “The crowd was massive; they could have burnt anything that came in its way. The anger was visible and the police were hiding,” Chonde says, two days after the incident, distraught. He estimates his loss at ₹40,000. He has taken a loan of ₹60,000 and wonders how he will pay it back.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s statue at Station Road in Parbhani.
| Photo Credit:
Vijay Soneji

Several traders are grappling with the task of assessing the extent of damage. Boards were damaged, doors bashed in, pushcarts broken, and bits thrown into the gutter. The Parbhani police estimate that property worth at least ₹30 lakh was damaged. Doctor Line has shops owned by a variety of trading communities from different ethnicities and religions. However, Kashinath Shinde, 45, one of the owners, says, “Most shops are of the Maratha community. The violence was targeted at them as the perpetrator is a Maratha.”

The area around the Ambedkar statue has been cordoned off with barricades. Riot Control Police vans are stationed at the opposite end of the road. At least 10 police personnel are deployed every 300 metres, and police vans stationed at every kilometre, with patrolling every half an hour. The government also suspended Internet services for two days.

Rumours abound in the city. One talks about the arrest of a 10-year-old girl, another the custodial death of a woman. The moment a rumour is spread, the shutters of shops go down. This happens a couple of times. The police announce on loudspeakers that these claims are untrue.

Dalits traumatised

In Dalit settlements, people are gripped with fear of getting picked up by the police. Kalawanti Dabade, 50, a daily wage earner, says, “The police are searching every house and taking our children.” A demonstrator from Bhim Nagar says, “We started pelting stones when the police resorted to lathi charge and opened tear gas. We missed our exams because they are looking for us and many of us are in hiding.” His body is covered with black and green scars that he says are a result of the lathi charge. “The government hospital refused to take me in, saying I was a rioter.”

Vachala Manavte, 53, was hospitalised after she was released from jail on December 12. She works at a nearby hospital and was allegedly thrashed for recording a video of the police while they were detaining youth in Priyadarshini Nagar. “After dragging me there, they threw me in the lock-up and slapped and kicked me. They were trying to retrieve my mobile phone’s password to delete the video,” she says.

A victim of the violence offers prayers in front of statuettes of Buddha and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar at her home in Parbhani, Maharashtra.
| Photo Credit:
Vijay Soneji

Rutuja, 20, and Pooja, 27, along with two minor sisters, aged 14 and 12, from Bhim Nagar were taken into custody. “They treated us like animals and humiliated us for being Dalit. I could actually relate to Jai Bhim (a Tamil movie on a tribal woman fighting for justice). They asked us to kneel and not look up,” says Rutuja, adding that the police also took her hall ticket for her first-year BA exams. Pooja tells a similar story. The minor girls’ mother has sent them to Nanded to avoid harassment by the police.

Politicians have been visiting the area following the violence. Athawale visited the Ambedkar statue, garlanded it, met officials in-charge of the administration, and residents of Bhim Nagar. Sujat Ambedkar, the great-grandson of Ambedkar, also garlanded the statue and visited Bhim Nagar.

On December 17, Prakash Ambedkar, Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi chief and Sujat’s father, posted a video on X and wrote: “A mother of a newborn was brutally assaulted by the police in her house. She had locked herself in the bathroom to save herself from the violence, but the police broke the door down and brutally beat her up.”

Conspiracy theories

The man who desecrated the Constitution is from Mirzapur village in Parbhani district and worked at grocery shops in Parbhani. His father-in-law, who asked not to be named, says his younger son was the first to receive a call from the police informing them about the incident. He adds that he will accept what the law decides. “For the last two months, he had been hospitalised in Akola (about 200 km from Parbhani) and arrived in the city on the day of the incident,” he says. “For the past 16 years, he has been under treatment for mental health issues.” A doctor confirms this.

Ambedkarite organisations believe the man was used. “This could be a conspiracy to create a rift between Marathas and Dalits. The police must probe this under the Supreme Court’s observation,” Bhimrao Hattiambire, an Ambedkarite leader from Parbhani, says.

However, District Collector Raghunath Gawade calls this a “mere coincidence” and dismisses such a possibility. “Prima facie there is no correlation between the two incidents. We are investigating this angle. This was a huge but unintentional mistake.”

Somnath’s brother Premnath Suryawanshi is now fighting for justice. His lawyer, Pawan Jondhale, says Somnath had no role in the events of December 11 and was picked up with other men from Shankar Nagar, where a number of Dalits live. “He came to Parbhani from Pune to fulfil his dream of becoming a lawyer,” he says. “He did odd jobs, from driving to labour work, and supported his family.”

Vilas Kale, who calls himself a Parbhanikar, sits outside a restaurant whose board was damaged in the violence. In February, during the Urs (death anniversary of a Muslim holy man) of Hazrat Sayyed Shah Turabul Haq Baba, which saw the participation of both Hindus and Muslims, tensions over the molestation of a woman resulted in stone pelting. “The Urs was cut short by four days citing law and order issues,” he says. “Parbhani has always been sensitive.”

Inside a packed cinema hall, three teenage girls perched on the edge of their seats giggle as Allu Arjun and Rashmika Mandanna share a romantic moment in the kitchen. A little later, the screen erupts into an athletic dance sequence in Pushpa-2. What feels more like a PT drill than choreography sends the audience of 100-plus into a frenzy — cheers, whistles, and catcalls filling the air.

It was amid the communal euphoria such as this inside a darkened hall of Sandhya 70 MM theatre in Hyderabad that a tragedy unfolded on December 4 — a 35-year-old woman died, and her eight-year-old son continues to battle for life at a private hospital.

Every Friday, the cinema comes alive with a pulsating crowd of film enthusiasts armed with crackers, drums, tinsel, tambourines, oversized speakers, flower garlands, and packets of milk. As part of the ritual, dozens of milk packets are emptied over a towering 70-foot poster. “We spend the money from our own pockets for this. I love Allu Arjun,” says Manoj Reddy, but clams up when the conversation turns to the tragic events of December 4.

Now 28, Reddy mans the souvenir and ice-cream counter at the AAA (Allu Arjun Army) cinema hall in Ameerpet. A fan of the actor since Parugu (2008) and Race Gurram (2014), he admits he hasn’t yet seen Pushpa-2, as he is observing Ayyappa deeksha, a 41-day period of absistence and penitence dedicated to Swamy Ayyappa.

A love beyond the screen

The cinema hall, partially owned by Allu Arjun, features an Icon Star Lounge adorned with posters from his films and a section dedicated to family photographs. Inside, red low-settees are scattered across the spacious hall, where visitors, men and women alike, wander in, settle down, pose for photos, or snap selfies. Many mimic the iconic gesture and dialogue from Pushpa-1, sliding the back of their hands under their chin in a signature move. Here, moviegoers don’t just watch the legend; they become part of it.

“The actors are no longer just selling movies; they are selling experiences that can’t be replicated on OTT,” says Uma Bhrugubanda, an associate professor at the English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad, who has researched Indian cinema and cultural history.

“After the COVID pandemic, big-star films were bringing people back to theatres. Pathaan and Jawan did it in the north. Big-budget films don’t rake in money unless they get a wide release, so they began positioning the theatre experience as part of the appeal to draw people in,” she explains.

The craze for film stars touches the sky in Hyderabad’s Sandhya 70 MM theatre.
| Photo Credit:
Serish Nanisetti

Pushpa-2 released in 12,000 screens worldwide, including at theatres in RTC Crossroad, Hyderabad. The Sandhya 70mm, a legendary cinema in the area, seats over 1,300 cinegoers. It is where some of the most extravagant celebrations of a new release plays out in the Telugu states, causing traffic gridlocks and creating an electric atmosphere. Fans travel from different districts within Telangana and even neighbouring Andhra Pradesh for a first-hand experience of the hype.

It was this experience that an eight-year-old boy longed for, driven by his deep admiration for Allu Arjun, and his parents were equally excited by the idea.

The family, residents of Dilsukhnagar in Hyderabad, purchased tickets for the benefit show to be screened the night before the official release. They paid ₹800 per ticket, unaware that this decision would soon upend their lives.

The plan was for Revathi, 35, and her two children to reach the theatre first, while the father, Mogudampalli Bhaskar, would have joined them directly from work. “My son wanted to watch the movie. I took him to Sandhya theatre upon his insistence. Allu Arjun coming there isn’t his fault. If anything, I am ready to withdraw the complaint,” says Bhaskar.

After finishing work, he rushed to the cinema hall, intending to join his wife, son and daughter to watch the movie together. But that wasn’t to be. Late that evening, he learned of his wife’s death in the stampede while he struggled to get his seriously injured son admitted to a private hospital.

On December 13, when police detained Allu Arjun, Bhaskar publicly stated that he wanted to withdraw the complaint that had led to the arrest. The actor was released after his family enlisted high-profile lawyers.

Director Ram Gopal Varma took to social media platform ‘X’ to share his thoughts, linking the arrest to the stakes involved in the movie’s success: “Chief Minister of Telangana @revanth_anumala did this to @alluarjun, I think it is because he wanted to give a big publicity boost to Telangana state’s favourite son for a huge rise in #Pushpa2’s week-2 collections. This explains why the state did such a deliberately weak prosecution so that he could be bailed out in a few hours and become even more mega popular to rule the box office for a long long time.”

On December 17, Hyderabad Commissioner of Police C.V. Anand issued a show-cause notice to the theatre management, questioning why cinematography licence issued to it should not be cancelled for the lapses leading to the death of the woman in the stampede.

Actor Allu Arjun greets the media at his residence after being released from Chanchalguda Central Jail, in Hyderabad on December 14.
| Photo Credit:
ANI

In the two-page notice dated December 12, the official pointed out several lapses, including absence of women security, lack of frisking booths for women, lack of systems to check tickets leading to unauthorised entry and overcrowding, display of large flexis outside the theatre without permission, and improper security arrangements by the management, among others. The management has been asked to respond to the notice within 10 days.

High-stakes game

“There’s a lot of publicity behind big-budget films, which whips up a kind of mass hysteria. People are looking for a sense of community. Sometimes the star provides that, for young boys or young men. There is something to it, akin to religious processions, political rallies, or even cricket matches — there’s a collective energy that binds it all together,” says Bhrugubanda, explaining the fan phenomenon.

Fan following is both a legacy and an identity in the Telugu film industry. In 1984, Chiranjeevi made his mark with the blockbuster Challenge, following his hit Khaidi (1983), loosely based on Sylvester Stallone-starrer 1982 action thriller First Blood. The iconic 56-foot-high poster of Challenge became a landmark at Shanti cinema in Narayanguda, Hyderabad. Since then, generations of fans have been devoted to Chiranjeevi, who later forayed into politics but eventually stepped back. Today, much of that fan loyalty has shifted to Allu Arjun.

RTC Crossroad is a paradise not just for movie buffs but also for actors and filmmakers, where the fate of a film can be sensed even before the first show ends. It has been a tradition for lead actors to arrive and watch the movie alongside their fans. Not too long ago, the area was home to over 10 theatres. While many have now given way to malls and other commercial buildings, Sandhya Sudarshan and Devi Theatres have remained key landmarks.

Actor Allu Arjun in a still from the film ‘Pushpa 2’.
| Photo Credit:
Arrangement

The scale of the economic stakes is evident from the fact that between 2022 and 2024, five movies have breached the ₹1,000-crore mark in collections. Pushpa-2 ranks as the third biggest grosser, following Dangal (2016) and Baahubali-2 (2017). Of the top five all-time big grossers in India, only one is a Hindi movie; the rest are in Telugu and Kannada. This success has been driven by political decisions allowing filmmakers to raise ticket prices and screen more than four shows per day in cinemas.

Social media has further amplified the message, attracting an ever-growing audience eager to experience it.

Going national and international

Telugu and Tamil movies have mastered the art of subliminal messaging, seamlessly weaving it into their narratives. In Pushpa-2, for instance, the smuggler is asked how he plans to amass the resources needed to unseat a Chief Minister and plant a new one. “Cross the border. Become national… become international,” he says. It’s no coincidence that the film opens with the protagonist clashing with criminals in Japan.

The scale of Pushpa-2’s ambition was evident at its trailer launch in Patna’s sprawling Gandhi Maidan on November 17. Chaos erupted as fans clambered up the scaffolding, holding up the lights and speakers, desperate to glimpse the actors and hear them talk.

The police resorted to a cane-charge to control the crowd spilling onto the streets, narrowly avoiding a stampede.

The number of movie lovers to the Sandhya Theatre at RTC Crossroads in Hyderabad declined largely on December 5, a day after a stampede resulted in the death of a woman.
| Photo Credit:
NAGARA GOPAL

“Even political rallies don’t attract so many people. All these people had gathered and turned up on their own — that’s the level of craze,” says Ram Kulesh Thakur, an English teacher from Muzaffarpur, Bihar. “Regional boundaries have faded. There’s no longer a distinction between Telugu or Malayalam heroes, as more Indians move across states for work or business. Dubbed south Indian movies have become a nationwide sensation.”

The COVID-19 pandemic significantly reduced the number of cinema halls across the country, with many being converted into malls or shopping complexes. It also reshaped the movie-watching experience for audiences.

Meanwhile, OTT platforms cracked open language barriers, transforming Telugu, Tamil, Kannada, and Malayalam films into a pan-India phenomena and catapulting stars like Ravi Teja, Upendra, and Allu Arjun to national fame. After all, what’s not to love about a story where a character starts as a worker, struts with italicised swagger, breaks free from the shackles of poverty, and evolves into a suave metrosexual man of the world, sporting silk shirts, tailored trousers, and a penchant for chunky gold jewellery?

“The way I look at it, films like RRR and Pushpa seem to be following the Hollywood big-studio model, where nothing is standalone anymore,” says Bhrugubanda. “Because once so much is invested in publicising a film, it becomes a brand. That’s why every big-budget movie now claims to be part of a ‘universe’. If there’s KGF, there has to be KGF-2. When Kantara became a hit, a sequel was inevitable. There’s immense pressure on stars and filmmakers to capitalise on the success of such films, given the massive investments involved,” she adds.

“Despite being aware of the actor’s immense popularity, the management did not arrange separate entry and exit points for his team and failed to deploy adequate security to manage the crowd. Along with the actor, a large number of people from outside rushed into the lower balcony area. His personal security staff started pushing the crowd, which further aggravated the situation,” explains Central Zone Deputy Commissioner of Police Akanksh Yadav, recounting how the tragedy unfolded.

While these films rake in big bucks by riding the crest of fandom, it’s high time filmmakers allocate a portion of their earnings to ensure the safety of the very fans who live, breathe, and immerse themselves in the fantasy world they create.

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Becoming a doctor is a long-cherished dream. For some like Sai Alekya, a foreign medical graduate (FMG) from Visakhapatnam, it has been a dream since she was only four years old. But not all dreams come true, and some take a very long time to come true.

On December 9, while she was waiting outside the Andhra Pradesh Medical Council (APMC) office located on the campus of Dr NTR University of Health Sciences in Vijayawada for the registrar’s response on issuing permanent registration (PR), Dr Alekya This thought came to mind. Full of anxiety, despair and helplessness.

Dr. Alekya, along with 50 other FMGs, had gathered outside the APMC office to protest to highlight their plight and seek clarification from APMC regarding their PR.

“Weeks have passed without a proper response from the APMC on what is the reason for the delay in giving the PRs,” she says.

After completing a medical course equivalent to MBBS (Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery) from other countries, graduates who wish to work or study in India must appear for the Foreign Medical Graduates Examination (FMGE), a Must pass screening test. One-year compulsory rotating medical internship (CRMI), which Indian medical graduates also undergo. After completing CRMI, both foreign and Indian graduates obtain PR from the State Medical Council.

FMGE conducted by the National Board of Examination in Medical Sciences is conducted twice a year in June and December. Considered one of the toughest, the pass percentage in 2023 was 16.65%, when 10,261 out of 61,616 graduates appeared for the exam. The pass percentage of the exam in 2022 was 23.35%.

In Andhra Pradesh, 73 FMGs wrote FMGE in December 2022. He completed his internship in May 2024 and has been waiting for his PR for six months. All of them completed their medical education in universities in Russia, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan.

However, the wait had just begun for Dr. Alekya and his batchmates, who completed their internship in November 2024 as the APMC had put on hold the release of PR citing various factors.

Meanwhile, Dimple Mehta, who will graduate from a university in Russia in 2022, said she was in India for about a year and went back to take her exams. He passed FMGE in January 2023. In June 2023, Rajasthan Medical Council allotted him a one-year internship. She got her PR on July 11, 2024 and is now working as a medical officer.

States like Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Haryana, Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, Tamil Nadu and Kerala have refused or stopped permanent registration for FMGs with one year internship experience. In contrast, states like Gujarat, West Bengal, Rajasthan, Assam, Orissa, Telangana and Karnataka have released permanent registration and offered postgraduate seats to students.

This problem arose due to the gap in his studies during the COVID-19 pandemic. All these graduates returned to India during the pandemic and continued their studies online during the final and final years of their courses. Some returned to their native universities and took the offline exams, while others did not.

NMC notice

NMC issued a public notice on June 7, 2024, stating that FMGs who attend online classes for any period during the completion of their courses will be required to undergo a mandatory two-year internship, which will be Because there was opposition.

Following the outcry, the NMC withdrew the June 7 notice and issued a fresh notice on June 19, stating that all students who have paid adequate compensation and have passed an examination equivalent to MBBS will opt for physical classes instead of online classes. , they should be eligible for one year internship.

Dr Alekya (26) graduated from a Russian university in 2021, and belongs to the batch that was affected by the pandemic. She was in her final year when the pandemic started.

In 2020, after giving her fourth year final exams, she came to India for holidays in June as usual. This was also the peak of the epidemic. Her final year classes were to begin in October 2020. Her three-month stay at home was extended till February 2021 due to travel restrictions and unavailability of flights.

However, she returned to her original university, took her final exams offline, and practiced there for two more months to make up for the lost practical sessions.

After returning to India, he wrote FMGE in June 2023 and was allotted a one-year internship, which he completed in November 2024.

While the wait for PR has been a little over a month now, it has been excruciating, burdensome for her as her mind is filled with thoughts of uncertainty.

“Students who completed their internship in May 2024 have not received PR yet. What will I do if this process takes us the same amount of time? Application for NEET PG-2025 exam will start in April. Will I get my PR by then?” Alekya asks, her voice breaking.

Alekya was raised mostly by her mother, a nurse, Alekya always wanted to become a medical professional like her mother. Her father, who has been ill for a long time, does not go to work.

In EAMCET in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh in 2015, he secured less than 7,000 and 12,000 ranks respectively. According to news reports, 69,840 students appeared for the medical stream in AP in 2015. However, she could not secure a seat. Medical colleges in two Telugu states.

Nevertheless, Alekya’s family, determined to make him a doctor, decided that he should pursue his studies in Russia. “My parents were supportive because seeing me as a doctor was not only my dream but also that of my family,” says Dr. Alekya, who flew to Russia in 2016 at the age of 17.

Like Dr. Alekya, many FMGs from the two batches affected by the pandemic are worried.

The protesting foreign doctors say that they have given their examinations offline and also have indemnity certificates, yet they are being denied PR. They say APMC registrar I. Ramesh informed them that some “have not paid adequate compensation for their practical sessions” as per NMC guidelines.

When asked about the reasons for the delay in issuing the PR in July 2024, the Registrar informed him that the APMC Council members have not yet been elected and nominated and they do not have the power to take decisions in the matter. He also said that the FMGs will have to undergo two years of internship as per NMC guidelines.

V. Aruna Vanikar, former chairperson of the Undergraduate Medical Education Board, NMC, New Delhi, who signed the two circulars dated June 7 and 19, said the decision on who is eligible for PR rests with the State Medical Council (SMC). Despite the June 19 notification, if the SMC feels there is a need for a two-year internship, they can allot it, said Ms Aruna Vanikar, who was relieved of her duties on September 24.

Srinivas Gundagaani, Vice President of Medical Council in Telangana said The Hindu He followed only one rule while deciding the duration of internship. “Those who appeared for the final year exams offline got a one-year opportunity, and those who did not go back got a two-year internship,” he said.

“But we all were given one year’s time, and now they are asking us to wait. Additionally, we have all passed the FMGE, which tests our medical knowledge. Our batchmates in other states have also taken the exam and got PR,” says Karthik, another FMG from the batch who will write the FMGE in December 2022. He cleared it in the first attempt and completed his one-year internship in May. of. 2024.

Awaiting council formation

Even after six months have passed, the state government has still not nominated members to the council. The 23-member council, comprising 13 members elected by doctors, six nominated members and four ex-officio members, was dissolved upon the change of government in June. Director of Medical Education DSVL Narasimham said the matter is under the government’s jurisdiction.

To compound the delay, the NMC issued an advisory to SMCs on November 19, “On or before granting permanent registration, they must obtain confirmation of medical degree from the concerned foreign medical college/university through the concerned Indian Embassy/High Commission. To recommend for registration in NMR (National Medical Registrar).

“What did they do from June to November?” asks Dr Karthik, who has returned to Kyrgyzstan to complete a course at his native university. He has indemnity certificate but has not received PR yet. He says that when the provisional registration was issued, the verification process should have been done before allotting him the internship.

“I have made four visits to the APMC office so far with my daughter. Every time we come, we hear a new reason. We don’t think they have sent our degrees to the embassy,” says a distraught father from Kakinada. His daughter has passed NEET PG, but cannot attend counseling without PR.

“We are sending all the degrees and mark lists to the respective Indian embassies. PR will be given to genuine degree holders as soon as the verification process is completed.I. RameshRegistrar, Andhra Pradesh Medical Council

However, Dr. Ramesh clarified that the process of verification of certificates takes time. “We are sending all the degrees and mark lists to the respective Indian embassies. PR will be given to genuine degree holders as soon as the verification process is completed,” he assured the doctors. He says the process of rejecting fake degrees is for the benefit of society.

FMG feels that the main reason for delay in issuing PR to them is prejudice against them. “Discrimination against FMG is not new to us. It is pervasive in the Indian medical system,” says Dr. Karthik, who finds it difficult to explain why he is idle at home. “It is difficult to remain unemployed at this age and after spending a lot of money on studies,” says Dr. Karthik, his voice reflecting the anger he is going through.

“We were made to feel inferior to our Indian counterparts as we did not get a rank in EAMCET and had to go to other countries to study”sai alekyaforeign medical graduate

“We were made to feel inferior to our Indian counterparts because we did not get a rank in EAMCET and had to go to other countries to study,” says Dr Alekya, who wants to help her mother repay the loan. ₹40 lakh, and the delay is causing thoughts of depression.

Indian Medical Association state member S. Dinesh Reddy, who graduated from a Ukrainian university in 2011, says there is a common perception that education standards in foreign universities are low, and that is why FMGs have to go through many hurdles.

“The standards are the same everywhere. But how much we earn from education in any university depends on the individual,” says Dr Dinesh Reddy, adding that the objective of the FMGE is to screen graduates.

Pawan Kalyan assurance

He is Health Minister Y. Satya Kumar Yadav and Human Resource Development Minister N. Met Lokesh thrice, but to no avail. Fed up, the FMG now approached Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, who assured him that he would look into the issue.

Last week, Andhra Pradesh Health Department had released a notification for recruitment to the post of Civil Assistant Surgeon (280 posts). Even if eligible, no FMG can apply without PR.

“We have not received internship stipend, which is against NMC rules. Still, we got it done. Now, we should at least be given PR without any delay. We’ve already spent eight years getting our degrees. How many more years should we wait,” Chandra, another graduate, says on the call.

(Students’ names changed to protect their identities)